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November 11, 2009

Concluding Statement of the Conference on Joining Up EU and US Policy towards Eritrea and the Horn of Africa for the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights

Filed under: Media — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 4:35 pm
group_pictureEurope External Policy Advisors (EEPA) in partnership with civil society leaders from the Horn of Africa and the Italian Institute for Political Science organized a two-day conference on EU and US policy on Eritrea and the Horn of Africa. The Conference, held in Brussels on 9th and 10th November 2009, was attended by high-ranking officials and academics from Europe, the European Union, the United States, the Horn countries, Eritrean political leaders in diaspora, human rights activists and civil society leaders from across the Horn of Africa. The attendants adopted the following concluding statement:

 Joining EU and US policy towards Eritrea and the Horn of Africa
For the promotion of Democracy and Human Rights

Conference Concluding Statement

Brussels – Belgium
9-10 November 2009

Europe External Policy Advisors (EEPA) in partnership with civil society leaders from the Horn of Africa and the Italian Institute for Political Science organized a two-day conference on EU and US policy on Eritrea and the Horn of Africa.

The Conference, held in Brussels on 9th and 10th November 2009, was attended by high-ranking officials and academics from Europe, the European Union, the United States, the Horn countries, Eritrean political leaders in diaspora, human rights activists and civil society leaders from across the Horn of Africa.

The Conference covered a wide range of issues, including:

  • an overview of Eritrea’s history in the Horn and the key regional concerns;
  • analysis of EU and US policy approaches towards Eritrea and the Horn of Africa; the background to these approaches, aims and rationales ;
  • human rights concerns in Eritrea and the region, in the understanding that states and the international community have an obligation to address these concerns;
  • presentation of European Commission’s policy in regard to human rights;
  • Eritrean diaspora perspective for opening the country out of repression towards democracy and regional stability;
  • the empowerment of Non State Actors in Eritrea and the Horn;
  • the plight of refugees;
  • the respect for the rights of ethnic and minority groups;
  • respect for freedom of religion;
  • identifying steps for greater democratic engagement in the Horn of Africa, the ways and means in which the international community can help in realizing this.

The Conference was opened by Dr Mirjam van Reisen, Director of Europe External Policy Advisors (EEPA), who welcomed the participants to the important event, which she saw as an important platform for formulating coherent EU and US policies towards the Horn of Africa for the promotion of democracy and human rights.

The Conference was also addressed by:

  • Mr. Roger Moore, Director of Horn of Africa, European Commission, speaking for Karel de Gucht, EU Commissioner for Development Co-operation
  • Mr. Robert Houdek, former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia and Eritrea
  • Mr. Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway and President of the Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights
  • Professor Bereket Habte Selassie, Distinguished Professor of African Studies and Professor of Law at the University of North Carolina and former Chair of the Constitutional Commission of Eritrea (represented in abstentia)

The conference was informed on recent developments and noted the following observations with concern:

  • that famine is spreading across the Horn of Africa and the lack of humanitarian support due to the politicization of aid delivery by some governments is worsening the crisis;
  • the denial of food shortage by the Eritrean government and its refusal to accept humanitarian aid to alleviate the famine;
  • that UNHCR reported that in 2008 the second highest absolute number of asylum seekers came from Eritrea with two thirds of new asylum-seekers claims lodged in Sudan and Ethiopia;
  • that Somalia is facing its worst humanitarian crisis in 18 years. There is drought, record-high food prices and insecurity resulting in displacement.
  • that half of Somalia’s population (3.76 million) is in need of humanitarian assistance and that 75% of those in need are concentrated in South and Central Somalia where fighting is heaviest, thereby limiting civilians’ access to emergency aid;
  • that 1.5 million Somalis are living as IDPs in camps and another 500,000 are living as refugees in neighbouring countries;
  • the violation of the arms embargo in Somalia by neighbouring states and its link with the instability and piracy in the region;
  • the allegation that in Somalia war crimes and crimes against humanity are committed with impunity on a daily basis by the parties to the conflict;
  • the allegation that Ethiopia is committing human rights violations against its citizens;
  • the overall human rights violations in the region, excessive militarization and continued stalemate between Eritrea and Ethiopia on the border dispute;
  • the common phenomenon of mass arrests and collective punishment affecting the whole population in Eritrea, including children, resulting from an arbitrary detention policy, the inhumane conditions, degrading treatment and torture of prisoners;
  • the absence of a functioning parliament, democratic elections, and independent judiciary and the postponement of Constitutional democracy in Eritrea, blocking inclusive processes of change;
  • the observation that organs of civil society are annihilated in Eritrea leading to the suppression of its potential role as agent of change in Eritrea, and the restriction of civil society in Ethiopia that especially target NGOs, freedom of speech and freedom of association;
  • that Eritrea figures last on the World Press Freedom Index and is also reported as the most militarized state in the world;

The conference asked for 

  1. the unconditional implementation of the final and binding decision of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC);
  2. The Conference made the recommendation that civil society and non state actors should be strengthened and support of the strengthening of political parties should be provided, together with the development of a scenario for a transition towards democracy;
  3. The EU, the US and other members of the international community, such as China, to have a cohesive approach with regard to Eritrea and the Horn of Africa based on explicitly identified common goals and putting democracy and the promotion of human rights; higher on the international agenda;
  4. EU development aid to be implemented strictly in accordance with the Cotonou Agreement, with emphasis on the essential clauses on human rights;
  5. EU development aid to be monitored and reviewed adequately and with the input of independent experts.

And also important are:

  • the EU and US to engage all countries of the Horn in a broader political dialogue with a more balanced approach and hold such countries accountable for human rights violations, where appropriate, including implementation of targeted sanctions against individuals;
  • the EU and US to put effective pressure on the Eritrean authorities to release all political prisoners and respect human rights of Eritrean citizens and to ensure access by the ICRC and other independent monitoring groups;
  • the EU and US to put effective pressure on all the authorities of the Horn to release all political prisoners and respect human rights of its citizens;
  • Urge the UN to appoint international Commissions of Inquiry for Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia on their respective human rights situation;
  • the EU and the US to engage with the AU and the international community in strategies to address the crisis of famine that is emerging in the Horn of Africa and to lift any obstacles that prevent UN agencies or humanitarian organizations in providing humanitarian assistance and food aid to the victims of the famine, in full recognition of the Code of Conduct on Humanitarian Assistance;
  • the EU and the US to work with IGAD to promote regional economic cooperation and integration in the Horn; food security and environmental protection and the promotion and maintenance of peace and security and humanitarian affairs;
  • the EU and US to actively promote the respect for civil society in Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia in accordance with the right to freedom of expression and the right to organise;
  • the EU and the US to help the transition to democracy and respect for human rights in the Horn by investing in education and health facilities for refugees, youth, peace education, vocational training and employment programmes;
  • the EU and the US to promote democratic transitions in the Horn countries by building on political and civil society initiatives in the diaspora communities, supporting especially refugee communities in neighbouring countries, especially involving youth being trained in peace building, education in democracy and encouraging participation in political organisations, and including them in vocational and academic education;
  • that EU Member States, the US and the international community to follow the UNHCR guidelines on the “Return of Rejected Asylum Seekers to Eritrea” of January 2004 and respect their rights under the Refugee Convention and the review of the Italio-Lybia Agreement which is jeopardizing the lives of many asylum-seekers;
  • that the EU Member States, the US and the international community resettle the asylum-seekers from the Horn of Africa who are stuck in Lybia as a consequence of the Italio-Lybian Agreement;
  • supporting initiatives encouraging freedom of expression through television, radio and other communication initiatives;
  • the institution of a process of transitional justice for Eritrea, including studying of a potential mandate for a tribunal preparing a process for transitional justice, reconciliation and healing.


  1. The Economist “A Catastrophe is Looming,” 24 September 2009, available from
  2. UNHCR 2008 Global Trends: Refugees, Asylum Seekers, Returnees, Internally Displaced and Stateless Persons, available from
  3. Reuters “Somalia: Humanitarian Situation ‘Worst in 18 Years,'” 22 August 2009, available from
  4. IRIN “Somalia: Record Number of Displaced at 1.5 Million,” 7 September 2009, available from; CNN “Somali Refugee Conditions ‘Appalling,'” 4 September 2009, available from
  5. Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia Submitted in Accordance with Resolution 1811 (2008), UN Doc S/2008/769, 10 December 2008, available from, p 6, paras 66, 264.
  6. “Human Rights Violations in War-torn Mogadishu,” UNHCR/UNICEF press release, 9 June 2009.
  7. Sally Healy and Martin Plaut “Ethiopia and Eritrea: Allergic to Persuasion,” Chatham House, Briefing Paper, January 2007, AFP BP 07/01, available from
  8. Human Rights Watch Service for Life: State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea (2009), available from
  9. Kjetil Tronvoll The Lasting Struggle For Freedom In Eritrea: Human Rights and Political Development, 1991-2009 (The Oslo Center 2009).
  10. Cotonou Task Force, CTF Report JAR – MTR, CRF Secretariat, Adis Abeba, Ethiopia
  11. Reporters Sans Frontières Press Freedom Index 2009 (2009).
  12. Bonn International Centre for Conversion (BICC) “Global Militarization Index (GMI),” available from (2009).

Click the following links for the presentation:-,%209%20November%202009.pdf,%209%20November%202009.pdf

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ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ዋዕላ ፖሊሲታት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን

ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ንምትብባዕ ብዘገልግል ኣገባብ ምቅርራቡ።

እቲ ካብ 9-10 ሕዳር 2009 ፖሊሲታት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን

ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ንምትብባዕ ብዘገልግል ኣገባብ ምቅርራቡ ብዝብል ዛዕባ ኣብ

ብሩሰል፡ ርእሰ-ከተማ በልጅዩም፡ ክካየድ ዝጸንሐ ዋዕላ፡ ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ብምውጻእ

ተዛዚሙ። ኣብ’ዚ፡ ብኣውሮጳዊ ናይ ወጻኢ ፖሊሲታት ኣማኻሪ ዝተባህለ ዘይመንግስታዊ

ትካል፡ ብምትሕብባር ምስ መራሕቲ በርገሳውያን ማሕበራትን ኢጣልያዊ ናይ ፖለቲካ ስነ-

ፍልጠት ትካልን ዝተዳለወ ዋዕላ’ዚ፡ ላዕለዎት ሰበ-ስልጣን ኣውሮጳ፡ ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረት፡

ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ፡ ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ መራሕቲ ኣብ ስደት ዝርከባ ፖለቲካዊ

ውድባት ኤርትራን በርገሳውያን መራሕትን፡ መራሕቲ በርገሳውያን ማሕበራት ኣብ ቀርኒ

ኣፍሪቃ ተሳቲፎም ነይሮም። ብዅሉ መለኪዕታት፡ እቲ ዋዕላ፡ ነቲ ዝተበገሰሉ ዕላማ ኣዓዊቱ

ከብሃል ይከኣል። እቲ ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ሓዚልዎም ዝወጸ ትሕዝቶታት ከም’ዚ ዝስዕብ


ኣብ ዋዕላ ዝተዘርበሎም ዛዕባታት ድማ፡ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ዛዕባታት ነበሩ።

  • • ሓጺር ዳህሳስ ታሪኽ ኤርትራን ቀንዲ ሻቕሎታት ናይ’ቲ ዞናን፣
  • • ፖሊሲታት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን፣
  • • ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራን ኣብ’ቲ ዞባን፣
  • • ፖሊሲ ኮሚሽን ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ኣብ ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፣
  • • ርእይቶ ኣብ ግዳም ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ብዛዕባ ከመይነት ምስግጋር ናብ

ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት፣

  • • ምሕያል ግደ ዘይመንግስታዊ ትካላትን ዘይመንግታውያን ተዋሳእቲ ውልቀሰባትን፣
  • • ንስደተኛታት ዘጋጥሞም ዘሎ ጸገማት፣
  • • መሰልን ሰብኣዊ ክብርን ውሁዳን ሕብረተ-ሰባት፣
  • • መሰል እምነት ምኽባር፣
  • • ግደ ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብ ኣብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋርን ኣገባባቱን ምንጻር።

ካልእ እቲ ዋዕላ ዝተሓበሮም ብተገዳስነት ዝተመልከቶምን ጕዳያት

  • • ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ እናስፋሕፍሐ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ጥሜትን፣ ገለ መንግስታት

ብፖለቲካዊ ምስምሳት፡ ረዲኤት ናብ’ቲ ግዳይ ከይበጽሕ ዝገብርዎ ዘለዉ


  • • መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ናይ መግቢ ሕጽረት የብለይን ኢሉ ምድራቑን፣ ረዲኤት ከይኣቱ


  • • ኤርትራ፡ ብደረጃ ብዝሒ ስደተኛታት ኣብ 2ይ ቦታ ከም እትስራሕን፣ ክልተ-ሲሶ

ካብኦም ድማ፡ ኣብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ተዓቊቦም ከምዘለዉ ዝሕብር ናይ 2008

ጸብጻብ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት፣

  • • ሶማልያ፡ ኣብ ዝሓለፉ 18 ዓመታት ትሓልፎ ዘላ ዓጸቦን ቅልውላዋትን፣ ድርቅን ናህሪ

ዋጋ መግብን፡ ከምኡእ‘ን፡ ብሰንኪ ምፍንቓል ዝስዕብ ዘሎ ስእነት ሰላምን ጸጥታን፣

  • • ፍርቂ ካብ ህዝቢ ሶማል ተጸባዪ ናይ ረዲኤት ኰይኑ ከምዘሎ፣ 75% ካብ’ቲ ረዲኤት

ዝጽበ፡ ኣብ’ቲ ጽዕጹዕ ውግእ ዝካየደሉ ደቡባውን ማእከላውን ዝርከብ ምዃኑን፣

ብሰንኪ’ቲ ውግእ፡ ረዲኤት ናብ’ቲ ጥቑዕ ህዝቢ ክበጽሕ ከምዘይከኣለን፣

  • • 1.5 ሚልዮና ካብ ህዝቢ ሶማል ተፈናቒሉ ኣብ መዓስከራት’ዩ ከምዝነብርን ፍርቂ

ምልዮን ዝኸውን ድማ፡ ሃገሩ ገዲፉ ከምዝተሰደደ፤

  • • ኣብ ልዕሊ ሶማል ዝተደንገገ እገዳ ብጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ይጠሓስ ምህላዉን፣

ዝምድናን ምስ ሽፍትነት ባሕርን ዘስዕቦ ዘሎ ዘይምርግጋእን፤

  • • ተቐናቐንቲ ሓይልታት ሶማል ዝፍጽምዎ ዘለዉ ገበናት ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ሰባትን ናይ

ውግእ ገበናትን፤

  • • ኣብ ኢትዮጵያዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፤
  • • ኣብ’ቲ ዞና ብሓፈሻ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ሚሊታራይዘሽንን ኣብ

መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘሎ ናይ ዶብ ጐንጺ ወጥርታት፤

  • • ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ፡ ንህጻናት ውን ዘጠቓለለ ጅምላዊ ማእሰርትን ጅምላዊ


  • • ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝሰርሕ ፓርላማ፡ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምርጫታትን ናጻ ቤት ፍርድን

ዘይምህላው፣ ቅዋማዊ ዲሞክራሲ ንዘይተወሰነ ግዜ ምስግጋሩን ጸረ ለውጢ ዝግበር

ዘሎ ዕንቅፋታትን፤

  • • ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ናይ’ቶም ለውጢ ከምጽኡ ዝኽእሉ ናይ ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራት

መሓውራት ምድምሳስን፣ ከምኡ ውን፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዘሎ ገደብ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሲቪላዊ

ማሕበራት፡ ብፍላይ ድማ፡ ዘይመንግስታዊ ትካላትን ናይ ምዝራብን ምእካብን


  • • ኤርትራ፡ ብናጽነት ናይ ምዝራብ ብዝምልከት፡ ኣብ ዳሕረዋይ ቦታ ተሰሪዓ ከምዘላ፣

እታ ዝያዳ ብሚሊታሪዝም (ዕስክርና) ትፍለጥ ሃገር ኰይና ከምዘላ።

እቲ ዋዕላ ዘቕረቦ ጠለባት ከኣ፡

1. እቲ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ብዘይ ቅድመ-ኵነት ኣብ

ግብሪ ምውዓል፣

2. ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ውልቀ-ሰባትን ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ንምሕያል ዘድሊ ጻዕርታት

ምግባር። ከመይነት መስርሕ ምስግጋር ናብ ዲሞክራሲ ዘርኢ ስእሊ (ሲናርዮ) ምቕራጽ፣

3. ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ፡ ኣመሪካን ቻይናን ንኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ብዝምልከት ሓደ

ዝዓይነቱ ፖሊሲ ክህልወን። ንጕዳይ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ቀዳምነታት ምሃብ።

4. ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ዝህቦ ልምዓታዊ ደገፋት ምስ ስምምዕ ኮቶኑ ዝሳነ ክኸውን። ብፍላይ

ድማ፡ ምስ ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ከምዝተኣሳሰር ምግባሩ።

5. ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ዝህቦ ደገፋት ብኪኢላታት ቍጽጽርን ክትልን ክግበረሉ ዝብል ነበረ።

ካልእ ኣገደስቲ ጕዳያት ድማ፡

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ሰፊሕ ፖለቲካዊ

ልዝባት ንምክያድ ዝሕግዝ ባይታታት ክፈጥሩን፣ ነቶም መንግስታት ብዝፍጽምዎ

ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ተሓታትነት ክህልዎም ክገብሩን ዕላማ ዘለዎ ናይ እገዳ

ስጕምታት ኣብ ተግባር ከውዕሉን፣

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኵሎም ናይ ፖለቲካ እሱራት ክፍትሑን፣ ሰብኣዊ

መሰላት ክኽበሩን፣ ቀይሕ መስቀልን ካልኦት ትካላትን ንእሱራት ናይ ምብጻሕ

መሰሎም ክሕለወሎምን ምግባር፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኵሎም መንግስታት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ

ጸቕጥታት ብምግባር፡ ናይ ፖለቲካ እሱራት ከምዝፍትሑ ክገብሩ፤

  • • ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ኢትዮጵያን ሶማልያን

ዝምርምር ኣህጕራዊ ትካል ከቕውም፤

  • • ንሓደጋ ጥሜት ንምብዳህ፡ ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ምስ ሓድነት ኣፍሪቃን

ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን ብምትሕብባር ስትራተጂ ክሕንጽጹን ንናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት

ናይ ረዲኤት ትክላት ዘጋጥም ዕንቅፋታት ክፈትሑን፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ምስ ኢጋድ ብምትሕብባር፡ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዞባዊ ናይ

ቍጠባዊ ልምዓት ምትሕብባር ክህሉ፡ ናይ መግቢ ዋሕስነት ክረጋገጽን ከባቢያዊ ብከላ

ንምክልኻልን ሰላምን ጸጥታን ንምስፋንን ክጽዕሩ፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራት ኣብ ጅቡቲ፡ ኤርትራን

ኢትዮጵያን ብመሰረት ናጽነት ናይ ምዝራብን ናጽነት ናይ ምእካብን ክዋስኡ

ዘተባብዕ ባይታ ምፍጣር፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ ንስደተኛታት ዝውሃብ ትምህርታውን ጥዕናውን

ኣገልግሎት ብምትኳር፡ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ናብ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ምኽባር ሰብኣዊ መሰላት

ንምርግጋጽ ምጽዓር። መንእሰያት ስደተኛታት፡ ናይ ሰላም ትምህርት፡ ናይ ሞያን ናይ

ስራሕን ፕሮግርማት ተጠቀምቲ ክዀኑ ምግባር፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ ወጻኢ ኣብ ዝርከቡ ማሕበረ-ኮማት፡ ፖለቲካውን

ሲቪላውን ተበግሶታት ብምትሕብባር፡ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋር ምቅልጣፍ።

ብፍላይ ድማ፡ ኣብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዘለዉ ናይ ስደተኛታት ማሕበረ-ሰብ

ምድጋፍን፣ ብፍላይ ድማ፡ መንእሰያት፡ ሰላም ኣብ ምስፋን ዝሕግዞም ምልመላታት

ክረኽቡን፣ ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ትምህርቲ ክቐስሙን ኣብ ፖለቲካውያን ውድባት ክሳተፉን

ምትብባዕን፣ ኣካዳሚካውን ሞያውን ትምህርቲ ከምዝረኽቡን ምግባር፤

  • • ኣባላት ሃገራት ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረት፡ ኣመሪካን ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን፡ ኣብ

መምርሒታት ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዝተመርኰሰ ናይ

ዑቝባ ተቐባልነት ዘይረኸቡ ስደተኛታት ናብ ሃገሮም ናይ ምምላስ መሰል ኣብ ግብሪ

ከምዝውዕል ምግባር። ብመሰረት ስምምዕ ጅነቫ መሰላቶም ምሕላው። ኣብ መንጎ

Iጣልያን ሊብያን ተገይሩ ዘሎ ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ስምምዕ ዳግማይ ርእይቶ


  • • ብራድዮ፡ ተለቪዥንን ካልኦት ናይ መራኸቢ መሳለጢታትን ኣቢልካ፡ ናይ ምዝራብ

ናጽነታት ከም ዝምዕብል ምግባር፤

  • • ትካላዊ ናይ መሰጋገሪ መድረኽ ናይ ፍትሒ ኣካላት፡ እንተላይ፡ ናይ ዕርቅን

ቍስልታት ምሕዋይን መስርሕ ዘካይዳ ኣብያተ-ፍርዲ ንኽምስረታ ዘሎ ተኽእሎታት



1 Comment »

  1. Simple Truths of the Brussels Conference
    By Fesseha Nair
    I have just read an article entitled, “Not in My Name, Mr. Tewolde Gebreslassie

    By Gebreab G/kirstos in the Nharnet November 11, 2009. The contents of the article diatribe of character assassination and vilification against the open letter submitted by Tewolde Gebreselasie to the president of EU Commissioner- Jose Manuel Barroso.

    Gerbreab G/kristos’s rant does not merit discussion here. Tewolde’s leadership competence objectivity and his broad- sightedness are well known by all member organizations of the EDA and need no defence against this type of intemperate, personal attack. However, the piece aroused me reflect upon the events of the Bruseel Conference.

    Mr. Tewolde has a mandate and responsibility to speak on behalf of the EDA and is accountable to the EDA member organisations and no other. Tewolde was elected by the EDA constituents in its regular congress and it is the congress of EDA that draws confidence but not your internet articles. Tewolde is not living like you and me in the western countries but sacrificing his whole life for his people’s rights and freedoms. You have dehumanized Tewolde personally and attacked him without no reason because he the letter was signed by Tewolde but it was decided unanimously by the Executive Body of the EDA.

    Mr. Gebreab G/ kristos article entitled, ” Not in My name, …… ” and its character assasination is not constructive but destructive. I don’t know if Gebreab is pen name or real name. If he/ she is a member in one of the EDA organizations he/ she must first declare which organization he belongs, then we can discuss the issue face to face. If it is a pen name, I take it as destructive and deserve no discussion.

    I am not against any one and any organization whether it is a political or civil society. I was the first who wrote an article on the Brussels Conference entitled , ” Commentary.” I have written my critics on the conference’s process and participation. I believe every organization either it is ”CDRIE” or ”Task Force” has the right to organize conferences but depends on the issues to be raised. Conferences and seminars were organized in Diaspora many times but were not kept secret, we used to announce them and get feed back.

    What makes this Brussel conference different from the previous is its secrecy and putting the whole opposition forces behind closed doors. One of the wonderer’s of this behind door actions were me. I know the members of the CDRIE some of them were members in our organizations and I know the so called , Task Force” some of them live in the same country I live, I don’t mention the names but if time allows I will be the first to expose them , Why don’t you join us in the activities in Sweden since you are the , Task force” ? They have no contact with the grass-roots in Sweden. When asked to join us fight agianst the PFDJ activities, they hide but when the Swedish media comes out they appear with them, Why is this?May be, Because , they suffer of status syndrom? What has ones educational background to do with human rights activities. Do they want us to show them our BA, MA and PHD papers for them so that they will join us.

    As Mr. Abdurahman said in his interview with Assena, the criteria the conference set is the capacity of individuals and organizations. We have invited Wolde Ammar because he is the only competent in the opposition political organization who can present the EU and US policy makers.

    Mr. Abdurahman analysis is the same like the children in TVERE when asked about the leadership of Essayas, they replied WOW! Our president can many all languages of the world while Bush can only English, therefore he is the best leader.

    Don’t you know Abdurahman, that the Chinese experts participate in international conferences even though they can’ t speak English. What matters is not the English language but the skills you have to pass your to any meeting by the language you can.

    It is crystal clear, the participants of the Brussels conference were from one segment of the Eritrean people. What would this segment said if the other segment has organized a big conference in Jeddah under in cooperation with the Saudi kingdom, Wa! Lomi ke Aslam teakibom!

    My young brother Abdurahman! your ambitions and intentions are not strategic and sustainable but rushing here and there. Do you remember, Abdurahman, when you were in the Executive Committee of the Eritrean Federal Democratic Movement and responsible for the information office, published en editorial about Commondos in Eritrea while J and Mr. Beshir told you that don’t publish such editorial because it will arouse sentiments and contaminate the opposition camp and now you U change and infiltrate our process of unity under the umbrella of EDA.

    Historically, Who are the CDRIE and the Task Force? What are the differences between CDRIE/NECS the former civil society organizations in Europe?

    CDRIE is a civil society organization built by selected and highly educated Eritreans around the diaspora Eritrea. They were members of the former civil society but left them because they considerd them they were not at their social level and are backword people.

    CDRIE has declared in its founding congress that the former opposition is failed and we are the best alternative that can bring change in Eritrea through peaceful methods and negotiations with our president Essayas in cooperation with EEPA and inside mother Dr. Mirjam Van Reisen’s maxi-shirt.

    Indeed, when CDRIE was formed, it began visiting mother Mirjam and others in Brussels. EEPA is non governmantal organization facilitating conferences and seminars. It is a little organization led of Dr. Mirjam. We all have such NGOs in Sweden and building relation with such NGO’s cannot make you that you are skillful in diplomacy as our brother Gebreab stressed in his boasting argument.

    The Task Force is a collection of individuals some who were members of the NECS and most of them CDRIE members. How come CDRIE and the Task Force organize this conference was kept secret as a new invention but thanks to our inner sources all daily activities of CDRIE in Brussels were known before they were exposed by

    EDA and NEC have a good relationship with EU and has contact with political corridors of EU in Brussels. The letter of Tewolde Gebreselassie was addressed to the president of the EU commissioner- ……. In order to know what the Brussels Conference is, and has got a reply that the Brussel Conference is nothing but information conference organized by EEPA that is non- political organization or nothing to do with the policy of EU on Eritrea. The letter has exposed that the conference was information conference and has no effect except boasting propagnada of some who appointed themselves experts and creators of theEritrean politics.

    Mr. Abdurahman Assayed my former scholar in federalism when he was cornered by Amanuel Assena Editor, he couldn’t answer, when asked , why secre, aren’ the issues national issues? Abdurhaman replied we have the right to keep secret and this is routine in all organizations. Poor Abdurahman! He couldn’t know the difference between a firm and state. In our social science , we are tought on the common goods and private goods. National issues are common to all. Politcis is a common good and affects all. When one deals with foreign policy in relation to Eritrea one should not deal in closed doors but be open. Mr. Abdurhaman and his Co must realize that they are now in the Eritreanpolitics and should know all the mental map of it and every action when it is a national issues affecting any citizen must be public.

    It is indeed ironic, and rather confusing, that the architects of Brussel’s Conference be now the first who contacted the EU and USA, what about the long 8 years joint appeals, demonstrations, organizinfg conferences and contacts done by the other broadwide civil society organizations and EDA branches in the whole USA and EU. How can CDRIE and Task Force claim that they are the first is nothing but escaping from the realities in the ground. Ask your CDRIE and Tas Force members in each residence country, they never dare to go out and say a word against the Essya’s lackeyes who openly deny the aggression of the tyranny against our people at home.

    How dis the Task Forces selected its invitees in the conference was replied by Abdurahman Assayed, I have no contradiction to his criteria but the selection was done segregating the EDA members by calling the three organizations chairman- Woldejesus Ammar. It was not because by their capabilities but based on relationships made by CDRIE board members when they were invited by the Frankfurt Festival as lecturers. It was based on tempoarary relations. When Mr. Abdurahman Left our organization, he went directly to EPP and asked them for membership. First, he was invited as guest lecturer later he mad intimate relations with them and started to propagate about his fanatical ajewjew. Abdurhman is a wondering person to discover new organizations and leave them after sometime. He touches one organization today and leaves it and go later to the next. What a grasshopper? A man with such character can never gain the confidence of the people.

    Now back to the conference ’s results. Reading the papers and concluding statements of the Brussels Conference has no new topics but are the usual topics of every day in the opposition camp.

    Those topics presented by the Eritrans either they are academics or politicians were not papers but short speeches repeated litanies all cursing the regime in Eritrea but have no new alternative accommodating all forces for democracy, or ideas that can help us understand each other and the world communities. It was the Eritrean Shouting/Chawchaw without drawing no attention from the audience.
    The topic presented by the foreign lecturers like that of Dan Connel and would like to quote from his paper,

    “The first requirement for a modest move towards a future democratic transition is to map the existing opposition.

    “This starts with the Eritrean Democratic Alliance, a loosely defined umbrella organization for groups of widely varying ideological orientation, size and internal coherence, some favoring violence, some renouncing it. Members range from secular democrats organized into unarmed political parties,like the Eritrean Democratic Party and the Eritrean People’s Party—now in merger talks—to armed religious and ethnic movements such as the Islamic Party for Justice and Development and the Kunama-based Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea, with a full spectrum between them. However distasteful one or another may be to you, they all need to be included in a new dispensation or they will act as spoilers on the outside. But there are many Eritreans who distrust these parties, most of which are led by people who have fought among themselves to dominate the national movement since the 1960s and 1970s.The younger generation, many of whom have spent time outside Eritrea and experienced democratic societies at first hand, has declined to join EDA affiliates in significant numbers,focusing instead on building human rightsorganizations and NGOs. This trend too needs to be mapped and treated as an integral part of the emerging alternative.”

    Dan connels paper calls all the opposition regards their profiles to come together and build a viable democratic opposition.

    While , Wolde Ammars paper concludes like this,

    “The parties I directly represent at this conference (i.e. EDP, EPM and EPP), support a peaceful

    and democratic struggle to remove the regime by people-power. We are of the strong conviction

    that enhancing a party or parties that Eritreans trust and consider as democratic alternative/s to

    the regime in Eritrea will hasten democratic change in our country. So far, little outside attention

    has been given to the paramount importance of building a democratic force or forces in the

    Eritrean opposition camp to guarantee that Eritrea will not become another failed state because

    the Horn of Africa and the world at large cannot afford to have another Somalia”

    In his last point, Wolde asked so,

    “Being aware of this urgent need, we have initiated the task of preparing a Transitional Plan. For sure,we need help in developing it further on top of the support needed for capacity

    building and resources to help us educate our people on democratic values.”

    Compare the call from Wolde and Dan Connel.

    The parties I represent support peaceful and democratic struggle to remove the regime…………parties Eritreans trust………………. What do you mean Wolde! If the others have peoples trust, then why do you join them in the EDA. This is a very divisive words and it smells Essayas tone in 1970th.

    In his second point, he mentioned on , “Transitional Plan” what is this transitional plan? What kind of Transitional plan has the EPP. EDP and EPM that the EDA not know? The EDA ask Wolde about this transitional plan and capacity building on democratic values?

    Dan Connel has integrity and courage to accommodate all forces in the opposition camp but Wolde! I was very sad to hear from you such words in front of foreigners. Wolde” what happened with you, are you Wolde that I know in 1967 distributing pamphlets of the Eritrean Revoultion before the Eritrean polis in Asmara.

    In general, Brussel Conference has no tangible results but propaganda for the CDRIE and Task Force, to boast that they were the first who influenced the policy of EU and US on Eritrea. The policy of EU and US can only be influenced when the Eritrean people unite together and build an alliance built in the rock not in sands.

    Comment by eritrearealclearpolitics — November 14, 2009 @ 10:59 am | Reply

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