Eritrea real clear politics's Weblog

November 30, 2009

Monument to Russian poet opened in Eritrea, East Africa

Filed under: Culture — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 12:50 pm
nov, 29, 2009 12:56 – Itar-Tass (Russia)

ASMARA, Eritrea, November 29 (Itar-Tass) — Thousands of people gathered in the central square of Asmara, the capital of the East African State of Eritrea Saturday for a gala ceremony devoted to the opening of a monument to Alexander Pushkin, the landmark Russian poet of the 19th century, whose great-grandfather was born in this part of the African continent.

Thousands of residents of Asmara gathered for the ceremony in one of the city’s most vivid squares that was given Pushkin’s name five years ago.

The author of the monument is the acclaimed Russian sculptor Nikolai Kuznetsov-Muromsky and the architectural layout of the project was performed by Moscow architects Maria Ozherelyeva and Mikhail Sudakov.

A Russian delegation took part in the event. It was chaired by movie actress Yelena Drapeko, who is a deputy chairperson of the committee for culture at Russia’s State Duma.

The delegation also included the President of the Russian-Eritrean Friendship Society, Igor Novosyolov, the Vice-President of the same society, Valery Melnikov, experts from the Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industries, and a group of Russian reporters.

The organizers invited the Russian ambassador in Asmara, Igor Chubarov, to attend.

On the Eritrean side, the list of VIP participants included Asmara mayor Tevelde Kelati, government officials, and the Patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, Abune Dioskoros.

A capsule with soil from Pushkin’s grave at the Holy Mountains Monastery in Russia’s North-West Pskov region was laid at the foundation of the monument.

“Welcome to the homeland of your ancestors, dear Alexander Sergeyevich,” Mayor Kelati exclaimed in his speech.

Yelena Drapeko read out an address by the Duma Speaker, Boris Gryzlov.

The architectural ensemble of Pushkin Square in Asmara will change in the future, as a compound of the Russian Cultural Center with a library, a bookstore, a club and a school of the Russian language to be built there.

Pushkin’s works translated into the Eritrean language of Tigrinya have been entered in the curricula of Eritrean general schools as of this year.

Russia and Eritrea, which had been a province of Ethiopia before previously, established diplomatic relations in May 1993.

Many of the current government officials in this country graduated from Soviet universities and colleges, and today’s Russia continues issuing grants to Eritrean students.

The Eritrean authorities have signed protocols of cooperation with a number of Russian colleges, including the MGIMO University of Diplomacy.

Eritrean President Isaias Aferwerke said in an interview with Itar-Tass that the opening of a monument to Pushkin in Asmara is an important event in the country’s cultural life and a milestone for bilateral relations.

“This action doesn’t mean at all that Eritrea is making claims of any kind to kinship with the great poet’s ancestors but it definitely testifies to the interest towards our own history and to the respect we pay to this outstanding poet.

-0-kle

(c) 2009 Itar-Tass. All Rights Reserved
http://www.poten.com/NewsDetails.aspx?id=10205638
Advertisements

November 28, 2009

Leaked Memo: US encouraged invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia

Filed under: History — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 4:26 pm

Leaked Memo: US encouraged invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia

By: Berisso Oogato (OI Reporter)
26 November 2009

Leaked memo written from an official with the UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea in 2006 detailing a meeting with Jenday Frazer, the Bush Administration’s Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs, indicates US encouraged the invasion of Somalia by Ethiopian government .

 

In this memo, Frazer describes the situation in Somalia as “uncertain” and puts forward the best and worst case secnario as to what would happen as a resulf of a conflict between Union of Islamic court and the Transitional Fedral Government (TFG). It is interesting in that it undercuts Bush administration officials’ later assertions that they did not encourage Ethiopia to invade Somalia in 2006.

It also reveals a bias on the part of Frazer in favor of Ethiopia and against Eritrea that many including former US Ambassador to the UN John Bolton believe set back difficult negotiations on the border dispute between the two countries. The document has not been released until now. It will be of interest to people who follow US policy in the Horn of Africa.

www.oromoindex.com/images/stories/frazer-somalia-memo-2006.pdf 

 

 

November 26, 2009

ኦጅጅጅ…!!! ኣቕሓ ኢልናዮስ ኣላዒልናዮ ይብላ ኣዴታት ኤርትራ!

Filed under: Politics — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 9:46 am

ኦጅጅጅ…!!! ኣቕሓ ኢልናዮስ ኣላዒልናዮ ይብላ ኣዴታት ኤርትራ!

መእተዊ፡-

ኣብ ቡሩስል ንኤርትራ ብፍላይ፡ ንቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ብሓፈሻ ኣመልኪቱ ብዛዕባ ዉህደት ናይ ወጻኢ ፖሊስ ሕብረት ኤዉሮጳን ኣመሪካን ኣብ ሰላምን ምርግጓእ፡ ኣብ ዲሞክራሲ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ንምርግጋጽን ናይ ፖሊስታት ምጥዕዓም ንምፍጣር ዝዝቲ ዓለምለኻዊ ዋዕላ ክካየድ እዩ ምስ ሰማዕኩ፡ ዘይተደልየ ቅድመ-ፍርድታት ብዘይ ምቕማጥ ብኣዉንታ እየ መዚነዮ። ኩሉ ሰብ ክዛረበሉ እንኮሎ እዉን ታህዋኻት ካየሰነፈኒ ኣብ ሰብኣዊ ስምዒታተይን ሚዛናተይን ዕቀበታት ብምግባር፡ ዝተዘርበ ክሰምዕ፡ ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ክትዓት ክካታተልን ዝተጻሕፈን ዝተዘርግሔን ጽሑፋትን ክነብብ ጸኒሔ። እቲ ክዉህለል ዝግባእ ነገራት ስለዝተዋህለለን ኣኻሊ ግንዛቤታት ስለዝጠረየን ሕጂ ሚዛነይን ርእይቶይን ክድርግሖ እየ።

ቅድሚ ኣብ ርእይቶይ ምእታወይ ከመይ ጌርካ ድኣ ኣቀዲምካ ብኣዉንታ መዚንካዮ ኔርካ ዝብል ሓታታት ስለዘይስኣን ክምልሰሉ እየ። ኣዉንታ መምዘንየይ ሓንቲ ቁምነገር እያ ነይራ፡ እንቛዕ ኤርትራዊ ጉዳይ ብደረጃ ዓለምለኻዊ ዋዕላ ኣቃልቦ ረኺቡ ክዝተየሉ ጀመረ እንበር፡ ሕጅስ ሞት ከም ኣዳም! ዝብል እምንቶ ስለዝነበረኒ እዩ። እቲ ዋዕላ ብመን ተዓዲሙን እንታይ ከፍሪ ይኽእል ምስገምገምኩ፡ ኩሉ ኣጋባብ ኣታዓዳድምኡ ምስ ፈለጥኩ፡ ዑድማት ኣብ ጽሑፋቶምን ፈነወ ሬድዮን ኢንተርኔትን ዝብልዎ ዘለዉ ዘረባታት ምስ ሰማዕኩ፡ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዝቀረበ ትሕዝቶ ጽሑፋት ምስ ነበብኩ ግን ቕጭታ ስለዘሕደረለይ፡ ከም ዉልቀ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ክጽሕፍ ተደሪኸ።

ለንቀነ ከምትፈልጥዎ ኣብ ደገ ብዝነብሩ ኤርራዉያን ዝተኸስተ ፖሎቲካዊ ሓርጎጽጎጻት፡ ኣንነት፡ ባዶሽ- ጽዕዶታት፡ ምድንጋራትን ዘይጉሉጽነት፡ ዋሃ-በልነት፡ ጥልመት፡ ዕሎቃ…ወ.ዘ.ተ ነጸብራቕ ናይ ፖሎቲካዊ ባህልታትናን ማሕበራዊ ሰነኣእሙራዊ ቕኒትና እዩ። ኩሉ ዝተራእየ ክስተታትን ተረኽቦን ድማ ካብ ጉጉይ ፖሎቲካዊ ባህልና ዝነቐለ እዩ። ፖሎቲካዊ ባህልና ካብ ምብሓት ስለዝብገስ፡ ንፍልልያት ኣይጻወርን ኣየሳስን እዩ። እዚ ነፋግ ባህርያት ድማ ነጸብራቕ ናይ ፓትሪያርካዊ ማሕበረ-ምጣኔሃብታዊ ስርርዕ ሕብረተሰብና እዩ። ፓትሪያርካዊ ፖሎቲካዊ ኣእምሮ ንሕብረተሰብኣዊ ዝምድናታትን ርኽክብን ካብ ላዕሊ ናብ ታሕቲ ዝወርድ ብመልክዕ ሰንሰለታዊ ጽምዳዊ ኣራኣእያ ሰለዝሰርዖ ብባህርያቱ ኣዕናዊ እዩ።

ሓደ ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ብዝብል ስም ዝፍለጥ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር ኪኢላታት፡ ንፖሊሲታት ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረትን ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ብምቅርራብ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ክተባባዕ ንምግባር ዝዓለመ ዋዕላ ኣብ ብሩሱል ሃገር ቤልጅም ካብ 9-10 ሕዳር 2009 ዓ.ም.ፍ ክካየድ ምሕሳቡን ምክያዱን ቅድሚኡን ድሕሪኡን ኣዝዩ ኣካታዕን ኣዛራብን ነቲ ናይ ተቃዉሞ ደንበ ነንሕድሕዱ ንትኹላዊ ምትፍናን ኣእትዩ ዛጊት መዕርፎን መኣረምታታት ዘይተገብረሉ ጉዳይ ኮይኑ ኣሎ።

ቕድሚ እዚ ዋዕላ ዕለት ምክያዱ ነቐፌታታትን፡ ዝተፈላለየ ስክፍታታት፡ መዛኻኸርን ስምዕታት ኣብ መራኸቢ ቡዙሓን ተዘርጊሑ እኳ እንተነረ ስማዒ እዝኒ፡ ሓልፍነታዉን ጉሉጽን መልሲ፡ ትዓጻጻፊ ግብራዊ ስጉምቲን ምምዕራይ ኣይተገብረን። ምኽንያቱ እቲ መስኮት ዕድል መሳትፎ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ምስ ኣዝዮም ጸበብቲን ማሕበራዉን ፖሎቲካዊ ክብደት ዘይብሎም፡ ሽዉሃት ኣንነቶምን ጥበብ ዕሽነቶም ዓሚቕ ዝኾነ፡ ብኸፊል ንማሕበራዊ ኣቓዉማን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብግብሪ ዘይኮነ ብጹሑፍ ዝፈልጡ፡ ነብሰ ህቡቡነት ንምጥራይ ዝጽዕቱ፡ ዓሎቕቲ ን ሙሱሉያትን ተታሒዙ ስለዝነበረ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ነቲ ክፍጠር ተዋዲዱ ዝነበረ ማሕበራዉን ፖሎቲካዉን ህግፈት ንከይፍጠር ክካናኸንዎ ከሳስይዎን ኣብ ክንድ ምህቃን፡ ብኣንጻሩ እቶም ኣብ ዋዕላ ብራስለስ ዝተሳተፉ “ሲቪካውያን ማሕበራት”፡ ንግለ ነብሶም “ብተጣበቕት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዘጠሞቕዋ” ኣቀዲሞም ነቶም ኣብ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍታትን ካልኦት ንጥፈታት ኣብ ምክያድ መማኽርቶም፡ መሻርኽቶምን መሳርሕቶም ዝነበሩ፡ ከምኣቶም ሲቪካውያን ማሕበራት፡ ተጣበቕት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ከምኡ ድማ ማዕሪኡ ነቶም ኣባላትን ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽላል  ኪዳን ዝኾኑ ውድባት፡ “ከም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይ ተረኺቡ ኣሎ ‘ሞ፡ ናይ ኩልና ድምጺ ከነስምዕ’ሲ እንታይ ክብሃል  ክግበርን ይግባእ ንላዘብ ኣብ ክንዲ ዝብሉ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ንሕና ፈሊጣን ኢና፡ ንሕና ተቃሊስና ኢና በጺሕናዩ ፡ እቲ ጉዳይ ብኣና ጥራይ እዩ ብብቕዓት ክቐርብ ዝኽእል ነይሩ፡ ሳላ ዝጸዓርና ኢና ተሳተፍቲ ናይዚ ኣኼባ ክንከውን በቒዕና፡ ኣብኡ ክትበጽሑ ክትሰርሑን ክትቃለሱን ኔሩኩም፡ …ወ.ዘ.ተ እንዳተባህለ ብምሽክዕላልን ብባጫን ስለዝመለስሉ፡ በዚ ጊዝየ ክሃስስ ይኽእል እዩ ዘይብሃል ስምብራት ኣብ ማእከል ደንበ ተቃዉሞ ሓዲጉ ኣሎ።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ጽኑዕ ግንዛቤታት ኣዋህሊሉ ኣሎ። “”ኣቦይ ዘይበልካዮ ወደይ ይብል፡ ወደይ ዘይበልካዮ ኣቦይ ይብል”” ከምዝባሃል፡ መን እዩ ከ ወከልትን ኣቕረብትን ሽግራት ኤርትራን ህዝብ ኤርትራ ገይርዎም? መን እዩ ኸ ከም ፈሊጣን ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ቆጺርዎም? ዘይተማህረ እንግሊዛዊ እኮ እንግሊዝ እዩ ዝዛረብ! ሓንቲ ክልተ ገጻት ቅዳሓ ሓሳባት ብቛንቛ እንግሊዝ ጽሒፍካ ስለዘንበብካን ዝመደርካ ዋሃ ዘበለ ልቦናን ኣፍሉጦ ኣሎኒ ዘብል እንተኾይኑ ዕሽነት ጥራይ እዩ?

ብመሰረቱ ጉልጽነትን ንኹሉ ኤርትራዊ ብቐጥታ ወይ ብዉክልና ሽነኻቱ ዝሓቀፈን ዘሳተፈን ስለዘይነበረ፡ ፖሎቲካዉያን ጉጅለታት ኤርትራ ይኹን ዝካታቶሎ ዝነበረ ህዝቢ ሕጽረታት ሓቤሬታ ከምዝነበሮ ክግምገም ይክኣል። ምኽንያቱ ነቲ ብናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ዝብሃል፡ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር ክካየድ ተወጢኑ ዝነበረ ዋዕላ ከም ኤዉሮጳዊ ማሕበረ ኮም ዘካይዶ ዘሎ መሲልዎም፡ ንኤዉሮጳዊ ማሕበረ ኮም ዝጻሓፉን ዘሰሙዕን እዉን ኣይተሳኑን። ንመረዳታ ብኣቶ ተወልደ ገብረስላሴ ኣቦ ወንበር ኪዳን ዝተጻሕፈ ጽሑፍ ክንዉከስ ይክኣል እዩ።

እቶም ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ንክሳተፉ ተዳልዮም ዝነበሩ ኤርትራዉያን እዉን፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ብጡርንፉን ብንጹሩን መብሪሂታት ዝህብሉ፡ በብወጎኖም ብዉልቀ ዝተፈላለየ መግለጺታትን ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ መራኸቢ ቡዙሓን መመኽነይታ ይህቡሉ ስለዝነበሩን ዘለዉን፡ ነቲ ጥርጠራታት ሰማይ ኣዕሪጉዎን ንመንነት እቶም ሰባት ኣብ ዝነጥፉለን ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራን ኣብ ሕቶ ምልክት ኣእቲዎም እዩ። እሾኽ ንሓጻሪኣ እያ መጀመርታ እቲወግእ። ከምኡ ስለዝኾነ እቲ ሓቂ ቀዳመይ ጉድኣት ኣብ ርእሶም ወሪዱ ከምዘሎ ክፍለጥ ኣለዎ። ኣብ ፖሎቲካዊ ዉሳኔን ንጥፈትን ሓንሳብ እንተተጋጊኻ ኣብ ታሪኽን ሂወትካን ንዘላለም ነባሪት ድማ እያ። ንምዕራያ ድማ ነዊሕ ጊዝየን ጽዓት ዝሓትት ጻዕርታት ዝጠልብ እዩ።

 

1.ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ዝብሃል፡ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር እንታዋይ እዩ? እንታይ ክጾሉን ከተግብርን ይኽእል?

እዚ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር እዚ ከም ነብስወከፍ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበራት ኣብ ምዕራብ ሃገራት፡ ንዘሎ ሲቪላዊ ሕግታትን መሰላትን ተጠቂመን ዝቖማ ኣብ 2003 ኣብ ከተማ ቡሩሱል ሃገር ቤልጅም ዝቆመ ማሕበር እዩ። መንነቱ፡ ተልእኾታቱ፡ መሻርኽት ሱሩሑ፡ ንሱ ዘጽንዖም መጽናዒታትን ዝጻሓፎም መጽሓፍትን፡ ዘካየዶም ንጥፈታት …ወ.ዘ.ተ ንምፍላጥ ዝድለ እንተኮይኑ ድማ ብቀጥታ ኣብ መርበብ ሐቤሬቱኡ ኣቲካ ክንበብ http://www.eepa.be/wcm/mos/Frontpage/Itemid,1/ ይክኣል እዩ።

ኣብ ምዕራብ ዓለም ካብ 5 ሰባት ንላዕሊ ኬንካ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራት፡ ናይ ምትሕግጋዝ ማሕበራት፡ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበራት…ወ.ዘ.ተ ንምቛምን ምንጣፍን ኣዝዩ ልሙድን ቀሊልን እዩ። ከምኡ ስለዝኾነ ድማ ኣሽሓት ሲቪላዉን ዘይመንግስታዉን ማሕበራት ኣለዋ። ስለዘለው ግን ኩለን ማዕረ ይሰርሓ፡ ማዕረ ተፋላጥነትን፡ ማዕረ ገንዘባዊ፡ ሞራላዊን ነገራዉን ምንጭታት ኣለወን ማለት ኣይኮነን። እንታይ ድኣ ኩለን እንተሰሪሔን ከም ዘካየድኦ ንጥፈታት ዉጽኢታትን ተገምጊሙ ብዘለዉኦ ሃገር መንግስት ገንዘባዊ ድጎማታት ይግበረለን እዩ። ንጥፈታተን ዝያዳ እንዳዓበያ እንዳዓሞቐ እንደሰፍሔን  ኣብ ዝኸደሉ እዋናት ድማ፡ ብደረጃ ሃገር፡ ዞና፡ ክፍለዓለም፡ ዓለምለኻዊ ንጥፈታትን ዝምድናታትን ይፈጥራ እሞ፡ ካብ መንግስት ሃገረን ሓሊፈን ምንጭ ገንዘባዊ ሓገዛተን ካብ ዓለምለኸ ሃገራት ይድጎማን ይምወላ። ስለዚ እዚ ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ዝብሃል ዘሎ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር ብኸምዚ ዝቆመን ዝድጎምን ዝምወልን ቤርገሳዊ ትካል እዩ። ንእቶቱ ንምኽዕባት እቶም ኣባላት እቲ ማሕበር ናይሓባር መጽናዕትታት ኣጽኒዖም፡ መጽሓፍቲ ጽሒፎም ፡…ወ.ዘ.ተ ክሸጡን ክልዉጡን እዉን ይኽእሉ። ስግሩ እዉን ገለ ዘድሊ መጽናዕታት ምስ ብቕዓታት ኣባላቱ ተዛሚዱ፡ ንዉልቃዉን መንግስታዉን ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ጽላታት ኣጽኑዑልና ተባሂሎም ክሕተቱን፡ ኣጽኒዖም ድማ ዓስቢ ክእሎቶምን ስሮሖምን ድማ ይኽፈሉ ማለት እዩ።

እዚ ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ማሕበር ከምዚ ኣብ ላዕሊ ብሕጽር ብዝበለ መንገዲ ከም ዝጣሕመስክዎ ባህርያት፡ ምንጭታት፡ ንጥፈታት…ወ.ዘ.ተ ካብ ኮነ፡ ኣካል ናይ ሃገረ ቤልጅም ወይ ኤዉሮጳ ማሕበር ኮም መዋቕራዊ ትካል ኣይኮነን። እንታይ ድኣ ከም ነብስወከፍ ቤርገሳዊ ትካል ኣብ ዉሽጥ ሕብረተሰብ ቤልጅም ብፍላይ፡ ኣብ ዉሽጥ ሕብረተሰብ ክፍሊ ዓለም ኤዉሮጳ ኣብ ጋድማዊ ዝምድናታት ዝስራዕ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር እዩ።

እዚ ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ማሕበር ዝምድናታቱ ብሕጋዊ መልክዕታቱ ጋድማዊ ዝምድናታት ዘለዎን ዝስራዕን እዩ ካበልክዎ፡ ኣብ ትኹላዊ ዝምድናታት ርኽኽባት ወይ ቀሌቤታት ብደረጃ ማሕበር ወይ ብደረጃ ዉልቀ ኣባላቱ ክህልዎም ይክኣል እዩ። ኣብዚ ዝተሓላለኸ ሰኪዔት ዓለምና ቡዙሕ ነገራት እዩ ዝግበር።

ነዚ ንምልላይ ድማ ፖሎቲካዊ ኣሳራርሓን ኣጋባብ ዝምድናታት ምዕራብ ኤዉሮጳ ምፍላጥ ከድሊ ስለዝኾነ ኣብ ዝቕጽል ሕጥበ ጽሑፈይ ኣሕጽር ኣቢለ ከመልክት እየ።

እዚ ማሕበር እዚ ምስቲ ዝነብሩሉ ዘለዉ ሃገር ኣባላት ሓገግቲን ፈጸምትን ኣካላት መንግስት ቤልጅም ወይ ኤዉሮጳዊ ማሕበረ ኮም ዝምድናታት ዘለዎም ወይ ጸለዉትን ተጸለዉት፡ ወይ ኣስማዕትን ተሰማዕት…ወ.ዘ.ተ ክኾኑ ይኽእሉ ወይ ከይኮኑ ይኽእሉ።

እዚ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበር እዚ ከም ንጡፍ ማሕበር ክሰርር መታን ብዉሑዱ ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዝየ ሰሚናር፡ ዋዕላ፡ ጽሑፋዊ መግለጺ ወይ ካልእ ኣቃልቦ ሰባት፡ መንግስታት፡ መራኸቢ ቡዙሓን ዝስሕብ ንጥፈታት ከካይድ ስለዝግባእ፡ ገለ ነገር ክገብር ኣለዎ። ክገብር እንተኾይኑ ድማ ኣዒንት ዓለምና ኣዒንቱ ኣፍጢጡ ዝጥምተሉ ዘሎ ዛዕባ፡ ቦታ፡ ክስተታት፡ ዓለም ደልዩ ክረክብ ስለዘለዎ፡ ነዚ ሃልሃልታ እቶን እንዳተጓሃሃረ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ኩነታት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቓ መሪጾም፡ ሎሚ ዓመት ብዛዕቡኡ ዋዕላ ኣሳናዲኡን ኣካይዱን ኣሎ።

ናይ ግድን እዩ ኣብቲ ዝካየድ ዋዕላ ግዳይ፡ ዝንኣድ፡ ዝሕብሓብ፡ ዝዉሰን ዉሳኔታት፡ ምሕጽንታታት፡ ጽዕዶታት ክህሉ። ዝኾነ ቃልስታት ናይ ረብሓ ሕቶን ረብሓታት ንምርግጋጽ ዝካየድ ስለዝኾነ፡ ኩሉ ዕማምን ቃልስን እቲ ዋዕላ ቀዳምነት ረብሓታት ምዕራብ ንምርግጋጽ ኮይኑ፡ ነቲ ዝራጋገጽ ረብሓታት ንምትግባሩ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ሃገራት ተዛማዲን ዝተጣዓዓመ ፖሎቲካዊ ሜላታት ንምንዳይ ሃንቀዉትኡ ዘስረበ ከም ዝነበረ ክስሓት ዘይብሉ ቀንዲ ዕላማ እዩ።

2.ፖሎቲካዊ ኣሳራርሓን ኣጋባብ ዝምድናታት ምዕራብ ኤዉሮጳን ኣመሪካን ከመይ ይሰርሕ?

ኣብ ፖሎቲካዊ ኣሳራርሓን ኣጋባብ ዝምድናታት ምዕራብ ኤዉሮጳን ኣመሪካን ኣዝዮም ዝተጣናነጉ ሰኪዔታት ኣሳራርሓን ኣጋባብ ዝምድናታት ኣለዉ። ኣብ ዉሽጥ ነብሰወከፍ ሃገርን ክፍሊዓለምን ኣብ ቀጻልነት ምርግጋጽ ረብሓታትን ሓድሽ ዓለማዊ ምሕደራ ዝተመርኮሰ ሕጋዉን ዘይሕጋዉን ምሕደራዊ ቅርጻታትን ዝምድናታትን ኣሎ። ብኸምዚ ዝስዕብ ድማ ክግለጽ ይክኣል።

1.ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት (secret societies)

2.ዕላዊ ቬርጌሳዊ ዕልማናዊን ዲሞክራስያዉ መንግስታት እየን። ኣጋባብ ኣሳራርሕኦምን ዝምድናታቶምን ብዝርዝር ንምግላጹ ኣዝዩ ጋሕታንን ዓሚቕ ስለዝኾነ ንነባባይ መወከሲታት ተጠቂሙ ባዕሉ ክፍትሾ ሓላፍነት ኣሰኪመ ክሓልፎ እኳ እንተወሰንኩ፡ ነቲ ከቢድ ሚዛን ዘለዉ ብሓፈሻ ክገልጾ ክፍትን እየ። እዞም ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ዝባሃሉ ካብ ጥንቲ እንዳተማሓላለፈን እንዳተዋራረሰን ዝመጸ ዉሁሉል ፍልጠትን ብልሕን ዘለዎም ኣካላት ሕብረተሰብ ምዕራብ ዓለም ኮይኖም፡ ነቲ ዝነብሩሉ ሕብረተሰብን ህዝቢ ዓለምን ብብልሖም፡ ብሃብቶም፡ ብማሕበራዊ ቀጸላዊ ክብደቶም፡ ብዘለዎም ተራ፡ ብዉዲታዊ ክልሰሓሳቦም ብስዉር ብድሕሪ እቲ ዕላዊ ቬርጌሳዊ ዕልማናዊን ዲሞክራስያዉ መንግስታት ኮይኖም ንዓለም ዝመርሑ ሕቡኣን ጉጂለታት እዮም። ገሊኦም ሚኒስተራት፡ ገሊኦም ፕረሰደንታት፡ ገሊኦም ቀዳሞት ሚኒስተራት፡ ገሊኦም ወነንት ዓበይት ናይ ኣጽዋርን ካልኦት እንዲስትሪታት፡ ገሊኦም ወነንት ዓበይትን ዓለምለኻዊ ናይ ንግዲ ትካላት፡ ገሊኦም ፈጸምቲ ኣካላት ዓለማዊ ባንክ፡ ገሊኦም ፕሮፊሰራትን ሓንጸጽት ፖሊሲታትን፡…ወ.ዘ.ተ እዮም። ስለዚ ዝዓበየ ዓለምለኻዊ ምሕደራዊ ትእዛዝን ፖሎቲካዉን ምጣኔ ሃብታዊ ሜላታትን ኣብ ዓለምና ክሕንጸጽን ክወጽእ እንኮሎ፡ በዞም ዝጠቀስክዎም ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ዝዉሰን እንበር፡ በዞም ኣብ ቡሩሱል ተኣኪቦም ኣቀዲሙ ብካልኦት ሰባት ዝተባህለን ዝተጻሕፈን ዝተፈልጠን ነገራት ብቛላቶም ጽሒፎም ከካማስዑ ዝቀነዩ ከምዘይኮነ ብንጹር ክፍለጥ ዘለዎ እዩ።

ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ኣጽፋሮም ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያትን ሂወት ወዲሰብ ዓለምና ዝሸኸሉ እዮም። ንወዲሰብ ብድሕሪ መጋረጃ ኮፍ ኢሎም ንኣህላኽን ጊልያን ዝቀየሩ ኮይኖም ምስ ምምዕባልን ምስፋሕን ሓንጎል ወዲ ሰብ ድማ ብልሓት ኣጋባብ ኣሳራርሕኦም 50 ዓመታት ብዉሑድ ንቕድሚት ዝኣመተ ኣዝዩ ረቂቕን ሙዕቡልን ዉጥናትን መደባትን እዮም ዘርቁቁን ዝትግብሩን። ነቲ ንሳቶም ዘርቀቕዎ ዉጥናትን መደባትን ድማ ብመንገዲ ዘይመንግስታዊ ማሕበራት፡ ብመገዲ ኣማኸርት፡ ብመገዲ ናይ ፍሉይ ረብሓታት ጉጂለ፡ ብመንገዲ ተወከልት ሕጋዉያን መንግስታት፡ ብመገዲ ኮምሽናት፡ ብመንገዲ መራሕቲ ሃገራት፡ ብመገዲ ናይ ግብረሰናይ ማሕበራት…ወ.ዘ.ተ ኮይኖም ድማ ይነጥፉሉን የተግብርዎን። ተግበርቲ ናይ ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ረቂቕ ዉጥናትን መደባትን ኣዝዮም ብኣጻብዕ ዝቑጸሩ ኣባላቶም እኳ እንተኾኑ፡ መብዛሕትኡ ግን ካይፈለጠን ቁኑዕ ንረብሕኡ ዘራጋግጽ መሲልዎ ዝግብርን ዘተግብርን እዩ። ዘይሩ ዘይሩ ግን ረብሓታት ናይቶም ዉሑዳት ኣባላት ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ዘራጋግጽ እዩ። 

ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ኣካል ናይቲ ኣብ ኤዉሮጳ ኾይኖም ዝነጥፉ ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ከም ብዓል ቢልደርበርኽ (Belderberg) ናይትስ ኦፍ ማልታ (Knights of Malta)…ወ.ዘ.ተ ክኸዉን ወይ ከይከዉን ይኽእል።

ኣብ ሓንጎል ነባቢ ቡዙሓት ሕቶታት ክልዓሉ ይኽእሉ እዮም። እሞ ከምኡ እንተኾይኑ እቲ ሓድሽ ዓለማዊ ትእዛዝን ምሕደራን ኣጋባብ ኣሳራርሓን፡ ምቕላስን ዋዕላታት ምክያድ ትርጉም የብሉን ማለትካ ድዩ? ዝብል ኣገዳሲ ሕቶ ክልዓል ይኽእል እዩ። መልሰይ ኣይፋሉን! ምቕላስን ዋዕላታት ምክያድን ኣገዳሲን ክግበር ዝግብኦን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ነተን ዕላዊ መንግስታትን ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ከም ናይ ጸቕት ሓይሊ ኬንካ ኣብ ልዕሊ ፖሊሲታተንን ኣራኣእየእን ጸቕጥታት ስለትገብሮም ንዝሓንጸጽዎ ፖሎቲካዊ ሜላታት ረብሓታቶም ዘማእከለ ለዉጥታትን ዳግመ ግምታት ክገብሩ ስለዝግድድ እዩ።

እቲ ዕላዊ ቬርጌሳዊ ዕልማናዊን ዲሞክራስያዉ መንግስታት ከ እንታይ ግደ ክጻወት ይኽእል ንዝብል ሕቶ ንምብርሁ ድማ ዕላዊ ኩሉ ጊዝየ ዕላዊ እዩ። ዋላእኳ እቲ ዕላዊ መንግስት ብዉዲታት፡ መምሪሒታትን ሕንጹጽ ፖሎቲካዊ ምጣኔሃብታዊ ሜላታት ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ዝጽሎን ዝኸይድን እንተኾነ፡ እቶም ብህዝቢ ተወኪሎም ኣብ ሓጋግን ፈጸምትን ፖሎቲካዊ ቕርጻ መንግስት ዘለዉ ኣባላት ፓርላማ ኣብ መንጎ እቲ ህዝብን ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ኮይኖም ብሓያል ቃልስታትን ድምጽታትን ተጠቂሞም ንዉዲታዊ ፖሊሲታት ሕቡኣን ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ከፍርስዎ እኳ እንተዘይክኣሉ ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ስለዘእትዉዎ፡ ኣብ እንካን ሃባን ከምዝኣትዉ ገይሮም ሃገሮምን መንግስቶምን ዝደለይዎ ፖሎቲካዉን ምጣኔሃብታዉን ፖሊሲታት ከጽዱቑን ክሕንጹጹን ዘኽእል ባይታታት ስለዘለዎም እዩ። ኩሉ ጊዝያት ለዉጢ ናይ ፖሊሲታት ለዉጢ ናይ ኣራኣእያታ ሓገዛት ኣብ ተናድየሉ እዋናት ንኣባላት ፓርላማ ዝኾነት ምዕራባዊት ሃገር ከተእምንን ክትሕዝን ኣሎካ ማለት እዩ።

ብታራ ኣዛራርባ ንምግላጹ፡ ንኣብነት ኤርትራዉያን ኣብ ዚ እዋናት እዚ ጸገም ብሰንኪ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ኣሎና። ብቀንዱ ናይ ጸገምና ምፍታሕ ሕቶ ዕማም ኤርትራዊ ጉዳይ እዩ። ኤርትራዉ ጉዳይን ብኣና ዝፍታሕ ጉዳይ ከንሱ፡ ዓለምለኻዊ ፖሎቲካዊ ምጣኔሃብታዊ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ጸቕጥታት ኣንጻር ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ መታን ክገብሩን ነቲ ተጻይ ወገናት መታን ነገራዊ፡ መንፈሳዊ፡ ሞራላዊን ዲፕሎማስያዉን ደጌፌታቶም ክምጥዉ መታን ነብስወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ኣብታ ዝነብረላ ሃገር ምዕራብ ዓለም፡ ጉዳይና ኣቃልቦን ዉሳኔን መታን ክረክብ ብዉሑዱ ንሰለስተ ወይ ኣርባዕተ ሰባት ኣባላት እታ ዝነብረላ ሃገር ፓርላማ ከእምንን ክሽምትን ኣለዎ። እዞም ኣባላት ፓርላማ ዛዕባ ብዛዕባ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሕጋዊ መጋባእያታቶም ክልዓል እንኮሎ፡ ልክዕ ከም ኣካላት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኮይኖም ጸገማት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነት መጋባእያ ፓርላማ ከእሙኑ ስለዝኽእሉ እዩ። ፓርላማ እንተኣሚኑ ድማ ከም ዉጽኢቱ ዝተፈላለየ ሃናጽን ኣፍራይን ስጉምትታት ክስዕብ ይኽእል እዩ።

ከመይ ጌርካ እሞ ኣባላት ፓርላማ ክትሽምቶምን ክተእምኖምን ትኽእል ዝብል ሕቶ ክልዓል ምኻኑ ዘጣራጥር ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን። ተኽእሎታት ወትሩ ህሉዉ እዩ። ጥራይ ትመርጾ መካንዚም እዩ ናብቲ ትደልዮ ዕላማ ከብጽሕ ዝኽእል። ካብቶም ክንጥቀመሎም እንኽእል መካኒዝማት  ንምጥቃስ ዘድለ እንተኾይኑ፡-

1. ኣብቲ እንነብረሉ ዘሎና ሃገራት ኣብ ዝካየድ ናይ መሰረታት ምንቕስቓስን ሰልፍታትን ምእታዉ ጋድማዉን ትኹላዉን ዝምድናታትና ምስፋሕ። በዚ ኣቢልና ጉዳይ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ኣብ ዝላዓለ ኣቃልቦ ከምዝስራዕ ምግባር።

2. ኣብቲ እንነብረሉ ዘሎና ሃገራት ንኣዝዮም ንጡፋትን ህቡባትን ኣባላትን መራሕትን ናይ መሰረታት ምንቕስቓስን ሰልፍታትን እንዳረኸብና ጸገማትና ምግልጽን ምእማኖምን።

3. ኣብቲ እንነብረሉ ዘሎና ሃገራት ናይ ከባቢ እቲ እንነብረሉ ከተማ ወይ ገጠር ተወከልቲ ህዝቢ ዝኾኑ ሰኔተራት ኣባላት ፓርላማ እንዳተራኸብና ምግላጽ።

4. ኣብቲ እንነብረሉ ዘሎና ሃገራት፡ ንኣባላት እቲ ፓርላማ ኣዝዩ ሓቐኛ ፖሎቲካዊ ክብደት ክዉሃቦ ዝኽእል ኣዝዩ ገላጺ ማራኺ ቁርጡዉ መዘክራት እንዳጽሓፍና ምልኣኽ …ወ.ዘ.ተ እዩ።

ዝኾነ ጉዳይ ተሰማዕነትን ክብደትን ክህልዎ ብጥምረትን ሓደ ድምጽን፡ ካብ ታሕቲ ነቂሉ ናብ ዝላዓለ ጥርዚ ክበጽሕ እንኮሎ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ካብ መሰረታት ወይ ህዝቢ ይነቕል ስለዘሎ፡ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ሓያል ጸቕጢ ስለዝፈጥር፡ ዝላዓሉ ሰብመዝታት ናይቲ ሃገር ፍትሓት ከናድዩ ሃሰዉሰዉ ክብሉ ስለዘገድዶም እዩ።

ብተናጸልን ብዉልቕን ዝግበር ጻዕርታት ምናልባሽ ክሳብ ትፍለጥ ኣዳናጊርካ ንሰባት ሓደ ሓደ ስራሓት ወይ ዓወታት ከተመዝግብ ትኽእል ትኸዉን፡ እንተመዝገብካ እዉን ኣብ መሰረታዊ ሂወት ህዝብን ሃገርን ለዉጢ ዘምጽእ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ዉልቐታት ጥራይ ዝተሞርከሰ እዩ። ድሕሪኡ ግን ኣግኣዚ ሕቶን ጉዳይን ክልዓል እንኮሎ ድምጺን ዉክልናን ህዝቢ ስለ ትሕተት ከምዛ ኣብ ምድረበዳ ንበይና ዝጠፍኤት ጤል ኼንኳ ኢኻ ትተርፍ። ዉልቃዊ ተቦጉሶታትካ ድማ ኣብ ክንዲ ሃናጺ ኣዕናዊ ይኸዉን። እቲ ዝኸበደ ሳዕቤኑ ካብ ህዝብኻ ክገጥመካ ዝኽእል ተነጽሎን ገብረ-ገብነታዊ ክዕበትን እዩ።

3.ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ዝዓደሞን ዝመወሎን ዋዕላ ቡሩሱል እንታይ ዕላማ ነይርዎ፡ እንታይ ቁምነገር ገይሩ? ዉሳኔታቱ ክትግበር ይኽእል?

ዕላማ እቲ ዋዕላ ብሓፈሻ ንቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ብፍላይ ድማ ንኤርትራ ሕቶ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ንምፍታሕ ዘተኮረ እኳ እንተነበረ፡ ዕላምኣ ሓንትን ንጽርትን እያ ነይራ፡  ከመይ ጌርካ ናይ ወጻኢ ፖሊሲታት ሕቡራት ኣመሪካን ሕብረት ኤዉሮጳን ዝተጣዓዓመን ሓደ ይኸዉን ንቐርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ሃገራትንምድህሳስ ዝሓለነት እያ ነይራ። ከምኡ ስለዝኾነ ድማ ኩሎም ካብ ኤርትራ፡ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሶማል፡ ጅቡቲ፡ ኤዉሮጳን ኣመሪካን ተሳቲፎሞ። ኩሎም ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዝተሳተፉ ኣባላት ዋዕላ ፖሎቲካዉን ማሕበራዊ ክብደት ዘለዎም፡ ሓንጸጽት ፖሊሲታት ወይ ንክትግበር ከገድድ ዝኽእል ባይታ ወይ ክብደት ዘለዎም ድዮም?  ካብቶም ኣብኡ ዝተሳተፉ ኤርትራዉያን ዘለኒ ኣፍልጦ ብምንቃል ኣይመስለንን! የግዳስ ዋዕላ ተኻይዱ ኣሎ፡ ኣብዚ ዋዕላ እዚ ገሊኡ ነቲ ዕላማ ዋዕላ ተረዲኡ ንዕላማ ዝበቕዕ መጽናዕታዊ ጽሑፍ ዘዳለወ ኣሎ፡ ገሊኡ ድማ ዕንጣጢዕ ንዘርእ ኣለና ዝኾነ ኣሎ። ዋዕላ ድሕሪ ምፍጻሙ ድማ ናይ ግድን እዩ ዜናዊ መግለጽን ደምዳሚ ሓባራዊ ኣዋጅ ከዉጽኡ።

ዋዕላ ቡሩስል እንታይ ቁምነገር ገይሩ? ንገለ ብሕልሚ ለይት ጠስሚ ዝጸቡሑ ሰባት፡ እዚ ዋዕላ እዚ ቁምነገር ክህልዎ ባህግታቶም ኣዝዩ ሪሕብን ዓሚቁን ክኸዉን ከምዝኽእል ፍሉጥ እዩ። ገሊኦም ድማ እንቃዕ ተጀመር እንበር ኣራፊድና ነርክበሉ ዝብሉ ኣይክሳኣኑን እዮም። ገሊኦም ድማ ከምዚ ዓቢ ዓወት ከምተኻየደ ክመስሎምን ክገልጽዎን እዮም። ገሊኦም ድማ ተሳተፍነት ስለዝነበሮም ነቲ ካብ ምዕዳሙ ጀሚሩ ክሳብ መጨረስትኡ ጉጉይን ተሃዋስን ኣጋባባት ኣካይድኡ ክካላኸሉን ቁኑዕ ነይሩ ክብሉ ክጭድሩ እዮም። ገሊኦም ድማ ብዘይምዕዳሞምን ብዘይምስታፎምን ካብ ቅንእታትን ነብሰ ሕንከታት ነቂሎም ቡሁል ዘይቡሁል ዝዝረብ ዘይዝረብ ክዛረቡን ክጽሑፉን እዮም። እንተኾነ ከም ዋዕላ መጠን ሓድሽ ዝገበሮን ዘምጽኦን ቁምነገር የሎን። ምኽንያቱ ዋዕላ ተኻይዱ ኣብ መጨረስታ እቲ ጉዳይ ናባና ናብ ኤርትራዉያን ከንተግብሮ እዩ ዝምለስ። ዘተግብርን ዘሰርሕን ጥርናፌን ሓድነትን ድማ የብልናን።

ካልእ ነቲ ኣቀዲሙ ኮምሽን ዶብ ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ዝወሰኖ ወሳኒን ቀያድን ዝብል ናይ ምሕንጻጽ ዶብ፡ ብዘይ ቅድመ ኩነት ክትግበር ጸዊዑ። ይጸዉዕ ኣይጸዉዕ ድማ ብባህርያቱን ብዝተገብረ ስምምዕ ኣብ መንጎ መንግስት ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን፡ ዉሳኔ ኮምሽን ዶብ ወሳኒን ቀያድን ክኸዉን ስለዝተሳማሙዕሉ ዘምጾ ፍልልያት ወይ ለዉጢ የሎን። ምኽንያቱ መንግስታት ኣመሪካዉያን ይኹኑ ኤዉሮጵዉያን ነቲ ዉሳኔ ክልቲኡ መንግስታት ብዘይ ገለ ቅድመ ኩነት ከተግብርዎ እኮ ኣብ መራኸቢ ቡዙሓንን ኣብ ዕላዊ ዓለምለኻዊ መጋባእያታት ይጽዉዑ እዮም። የግዳስ ብዉሽጥ ዉሽጥ ድማ ንመንግስት ኢትዮጵያ ንኸየተግብሮ ዘታባብዑን ዝመኽሩን እዮም። ነዚ ንምርግጋጽ ድማ መጽሓፍ ጆን ቦልተን ኣምባሳደር ኣመሪካ ንሕቡራት ሃገራት ዓለም ዝነበረ ጽሑፍን፡ ካብ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ መራኸቢ ቡዙሓን ጃንዳይ ፍረዜር ተተንብሆ ዝነበረት ክራጋገጽ ይክኣል እዩ። ሰለዚ ዓቢ ገታኢ ታኮ ሓያላን ሃገራት እንኮሎ እንታዎት እዮም እዞም ኣብ ቡሩስል ዝተኣከቡ ከተግብርዎ ወይ ክዕንቕጽዎ? ዘረባ ምእንቲ ዘረባ፡ ምኻድ ምእንቲ ምኻድ ጥራይ ምኻኑ እዩ።

እቲ ቁሩብ ዝተሓሳስብ ኣብ ዋዕላ ቡሩስል፡ ኤርትራዉያን ሒዞሞ ክቀርቡ ዝግብኦም ትሕዝቶ ብዘይምቕራቦም እዩ።ንመረዳእታ መታን ክኸዉን ምሕንጻጽ ጉዳይ ዶብን ዉሳኔ ኮምሽን ዶብ  ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ምፍታሕ፡ ሽግራት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብ ምንጻል ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ካብ ህዝቢ ዓቢ ግደ ክጻወት ከምዝኽእል እንዳተፈልጠ ከንሱ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ በቶም ኣብኡ መጽናዕታዊ ጽሑፋት ዘቕረቡ ናይ ኤርትራ “ፈሊጣን፡ ሊቃዉንት” ኢና ዝብሉ መደርት ዝቀርብ፡ ከም ሓሳብ ብDan Connell ቀሪቡ። Dan Connell ድማ ኣመሪካዊ ከንሱ ብሓንሳን ነቶም ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዝነበሩ ኤርትራዉያንን ንስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ኤርትራዊ ሃገርነት መንጢሉዎም። ኣገናዕ !!! Dan Connell ።

ቀጺሉ ን ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ብዝገብሮ ዘሎ ኢሰባዊ ምክንያታት ክንጸልን ልዕሊኡ ድማ ዝተነጸረ-ብልሒ ዘለዎ ፖሎቲካዉን ምጣኔሃብታዉን እገዳታት ንክግበር ኤርትራዉያን ክጉስጉሱ እንከለዉ፡ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ነርወይ ነበር Kjell Magne Bondevik ምልካዉያን ወትሩ ኣብ ፖሎቲካዊ ስልጣኖም ንክቅጽሉ ንነብሶምን ህዝቦምን ኣብ ተነጽሎ ካብ ማሕበረተሰብ ዓለም ከእትዉዎ ስለ ዝደልዩ፡ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ንንጽላ ኣብ ናይ ፖሎቲካዊ ዜተ ጽምዶ ከነእትዋ ኣለና ክብል ድሕሪ ምምድራሩ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ብምኽንያት ልዕላዉነትን ምሕንጻጽ ዶብን ኣመኽንዩ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ኣኢሰብኣዊ ተግባራት እዉን ብትሪ ነቂፉ። ኣቀዲሙ ገና ተማሃሮ እንከሎዉ  ኣብ 1960 ታት ኣቶ ወልደሱስ ዓማር ነዚ ናይ ሎሚ ፕረሲደንት ኢሰያስ ዝፈልጦ እኳ እንተኾነ፡ ብዝያዳን ተጋዳላይን መራሕን ምስኾነ Dan Connell & Kjell Magne Bondevik ንፕረሲደንት ኢሰያስ ከም ሰብ ባህርያቱ ፖሎቲካዊ ጡማሓቱን ጽቡቕ ገይሮም ዝፈልጥዎ፡ እቲ ብወገኖም ዝቀረበ ፍታሓት ምስ ናይ ክልቲኦም ርእይቶታት ብወገነይ ይሳማማዕ እየ።

ሓደ ዋዕላ ዉሳኔታትን ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ከዉጺ እንኮሎ ንዘልዓሎ ዛዕባን ንዝተዘርበሉ ነጥቢታት እዩ ዝምዝግብ እንበር፡ ነዚኣ ነጥቢ ንክንጽሕፋ ነድምጸላ ተባሂሉ ዝሓልፍ ዉሳኔ ስለዘይኮነ፡ ነብስወከፍ ዛዕባ ዘልዓላ ሰብ ክምጎሰላን ክንየተላን ይግባእ። ስለዚ ኣብ ዋዕላ ቡሩስል ዝወጸ ዉሳኔታትን ምሕጽንታትን፡ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዝተላዕለን ዝተዘርበሉን እንበር ብሙሉኡ ኣባላት እቲ ዋዕላ ስለ ዝተሳማምዕሉ ኣይኮኑን ኣይነበረን።

ናይ ዶብ ምሕንጻጽ ሕቶ፡ ናይ ኤርትራ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ማዕረ ክንደይ ብናይ ምዕራባዉያን ፖሊሲታት ከምታሃስየት ሕቶ፡ ናይ ኣብ ፖሎቲካዊ ጽምዶ ናይምእታዉ ሕቶ፡ ናይ ንተቃዉሞ ብኸመይ ኣጋባብ ምስታፍን ምሕጋዝን ሕቶ…ወ.ዘ.ተ ብወጻእተኛታት ዝቀረበ ሓሳባት እንበር ብተሳተፍት ኤርትራዉያን ዝቀረበ ኣይነበረን። ስለዚ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ጉዳይ ሃገር ኤርትራን ኤርትራዉያን እቶም ንንብሶም “ንሕና ኢና ቡቑዓት ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ናብ መጋባእያ ዓለም ከንቕርቦ እንኽእል” ኢሎም ዝጽዕዱ፡ ኣብ ፍጾም ምክልኻልን ሕፍረታትን ተሸሚሞም ከምዝነበሩ ዘራጋግጽ እዩ።

ንምዕራባዉያን ሕቶ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ከተስተምህሮም ምፍታን ከምዚ ንነብስኻ ጹሉል ምስራሕ እዩ። ምዕራባዉያን ልዕሊ እቶም ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ተሳቲፎም ዝነበሩ ኤርትራዉያን ን ሕቶ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ይርድኡ፡ ነቲ ስርዓት ከምጽፍሪ ኣእዳዎም ይፈልጥዎ፡ መዓልታዊ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ኩነታት ይፈልጡ፡ እንታይ እዩ እቲ ጸገማት መን እዩ እቲ ጠንቂ ንዘይምርግጋእ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቓ ዝግንዘቡን እዮም። ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA)፡ ሕብረት-ኤሮጳን ኣመሪካን ኣብቲ ዋዕላ’ቲ ክርእይዎን ክዕዘቡዎ ዝደለዩ ቁምነገር ክህሉ ከምዝኽእል ዘጣራጥር ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ናይ ኤርትራ ተጻይ ደንበ ሽግራቱን ዝምድናታቱን መግለጺ ባይታታት ካብ ፈጠሩሉ፡ ካብኡ ዝጽበይዎ ነገራት ከምዘሎ እዉን ፍሉጥ እዩ። እንታይ ክኸዉን ይኽእል ትጽቢታቶም ዝብል ሕቶ ክልዓል ስለዝኽእል ጥቆማታተይ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ ትጽቢታት እዩ ይብል፡–

1.ማዕረ ክንደይ ሓደነት ተጻይ ደንበ ኣንጻር ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ሱሙሩን ስጥሙን እዩ፡

2.ማዕረ ክንደይ ንቕሓትን ብቕዓትን ኣለዎ፡

3.ማዕረ ክንደይ ኣማራጺ ወይ መተካእታ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንክኸዉን ብቕዓት ኣለዎ፡

4.ማዕረ ክንደይ ንሽግራቱ ዝርዳእን መፍቲሒታት ዝቀረበ እዩ፡

5.ማዕረ ክንደይ ሓባራዊ መረዳእታን ዕግበታትን ኣለዎ፡

6.ማዕረ ክንደይ ንኤርትራን ንኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዘሎ ዘይምርግጓእ ክፈትሕን ክዋሳእን ዘኽእል ብቅዓት ሓሳብን ግብሪን ኣለዎ፡

7.ማዕረ ክንደይ ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ን ሕብረት-ኤሮጳን ኣመሪካን ዘይፈልጥዎ ጽጹይ ኣፍሉጦን ሓቤሬታታ ተጻይ ደንበ ኤርትራ ከምዘለዎ…ወ.ዘ.ተ ንምምዛኑ ዝሃቀነ እዩ።

እቲ ኾይኑ እዚ እቲ ዋዕላ ንጌለና ትርጉምን ዉጽኢትን ዘለዎ ክመስለና ይኽእል እዩ፡ ንጌሌና ድማ ትርጉም ዘይብሉ ምኻኑ ክፍለጥ ኣለዎ። ጽቡቕ ናይቲ ዋዕላ ድማ እቲ ኣገዳሲ ንኤርትራ ጠቀስ ዛዕባታት ብምዕራባዉያን ስለዝተላዕለ፡ ምዕራባዉያን ድማ ንምዕራባዉያን ብቀዳምነት ስለዝሰምዑን ዝእመኑን ክምዝገብ ዘለዎ ኣገደስት ነጥብታት ስለዝተመዝገበ እዩ።

ዉሳኔታቱ ዋዕላ ቡሩስል ክትግበር ይኽእል? ዉሳኔታት ሓደ ዋዕላ ከትግበር ዝኽእል ቕርጻታትን ዉደባን ምስ ዝህሉ ጥራይ እዩ። ስለዚ እዚ ዋዕላ እዚ ከም መኣከቢ ሓቤሬታት፡ መካየዲ ኣፈና መጽንዕታትን ክሊ ዘተን ጥራይ እዩ። ዉሳኔታቱ ድማ ኣብ ወረቀት ዝተወረቀን ኣብ ኣየር ዝተበተነ ቃላት ጥራይ እዩ። ንዉሳኔታቱ ከተግብር ዝኽእል ቅርጻን ዉደባን ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን። በዚ ዋዕላን ዉሳኔ ዋዕላን እዚ ገይረ ዘስማዕክዎ ኣእዛን ዓለምን መንግስታት ዓለም ኣሎኒ ዝብል ሰብ እንተሎ ድማ ሓላሚ ጥራይ እዩ።

ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) በቲ ዘካየዶ ዋዕላን ዝገበሮ ወጻኢታትን ድጎማ ክሓተሉ እዩ፡ ነቲ ኣብኡ ዝቀረበ ጽሑፋት ከም መወከሲ ንምርማራዊ ስርሓት ክጥቀመሉ እዩ፡ ከም ንጥፈታት ዘካየደ ድማ ኣብ ናይ ኢንተርነት መርበብ ሓቤሬትኡ ክዝርግሖ እዩ። ካብዚ ንላዕሊ ዝትግበር ቁምነገር ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን። ኣንካይ ዶ ናይ ኤዉሮጳ ናይ ወጻኢ ሜላታት ኣማኸርቲ (EEPA) ዝካየዶ ዋዕላ ዉሳኔስ፡ ዋላ ባይቶ ጸጥታ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዘሕሎፎ ዉሳኔታት ሓንሳብ ሓንሳብ ክትግበርን ክስራሓሉን ኣብ ፖሎቲካ ዓለምና ዘይክኣል እዩ።

4.ተሳተፍቲ እዚ ዋዕላ እንታዎት እዮም?

ከምቲ ባዕላቶም ተሳተፍት ዝገልጽዎ፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ፖሎቲካዊ ጸግዕታት እምነታት ዘለዎምን ኣብ ሲቪካዊ ማሕብረትን ተጣበቕት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት እንተ ብተናጸል እንተ ብዕስለ ዝነጥፉ ኮይኖም ከም ተደራቢ ዕማሞም “”ሓይሊ-ዕማም”” (task force) ጉጅለ ኣቂሞም ኤርትራዊ ሽግራት ኣቃልቦ መታን ክረክብ ንወጻተኛታት (መንግስታት ምዕራብ) ንምምኻርን ንምሕባርን ዝቆሙ ምኻኖም እዮም ዝገልጹ። ኣብዚ ብሓቂ ክንጸር ዘለዎ ጉዳይ ኣሎ። መብዛሕትኡ ኣብ ዓለምለኻዊ ኣራዳድኣ ሓይሊ ዕማማ ክባሃል እንኮሎ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓደ ወትሃደራዊ እዚ ንፍሉይ ምኽንያት፡ ስርሓት፡ ዕላማታት…ወ.ዘ.ተ ዝስራሕ ናይ ዉሑዳት ሰባት ጊዝያዊ ንኡስ ጉጅለ ማለት እዩ። ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ እዚ ሓይሊ ዕማም ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓደ ወትሃደራዊ እዚ ዝሰርሕ ኮይኑ፡ ንዝተዋህቦ ዕማም ተግቢሩ፡ ጸብጻባቱ ንላዕለዋይ እዚ ዘማሓላልፍ እዩ።

እዚ ኤርትራዊ ሓይሊ ዕማም እዚ ብኣንጻሩ ቬርገሳዊ ሓይሊ ዕማም ካብ ኮነ ኣነ ምስ ዕማማቱን ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ንጥፈታት ብምዝማድ ስም ከጠሙቆ እየ። ናይ ምምኻርን ሓባሪ ጉጂለ (lobby or reference Group) ኢለዮ ኣሎኹ። ምኽንያቱ ኩሉ ንጥፈታቱ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ኣቃልቦ መታን ክረክብ ንሓገግትን ፈጸምትን ኣካላት ምዕራብ ኤዉሮጳ ንምሕባር፡ ንምእማኖምን ንምጽላዉን ስለዝናጣጠፍ ስለዝኾነ እዩ። ልዕሊ ኩሉ ግን ቅርጻ፡ ሱኑድ ዕላማ፡ ዝተዋሃሀደ ንጥፈታት ዕዮ፡…ወ.ዘ.ተ ኣለዎ ዶ? ንንጥፈታቱ ዝቃጻጸር መካኒዝም ከ ኣለዎ ዶ ወይስ ሓንቲ ማዕጾ ዝኾነ ሰብ ካብኦም ኳሕኲሑ ምስተኸፍተሉ ድድሕሪኡ ከምዚ ዕስለ ኣዛብእ ዝኸዱ እዮም ክምለስ ዝግብኦ ሕቶ እዩ። ኣባላት እዛ ሓይሊ ዕማም ከ ዝተዋሃሃደ መጽናዕትታትን ዝተዋሃሃደ ጽሑፋት ዶ ተቕርብ? ወይስ ነፍስ ወከፍ ፊን ዘቦሎ ዛዕባን ጽሑፉን እዩ ዝጽሕፍን ዘቕርብን? ቡዙሓት ክምለሱ ዝግብኦም ሕቶታት ስለዘለዉ ንጊዚኡ ንመጻኢ ምዕባሌ ክሓድጎ እዮ።

ብመሰረቱ እዚ ዋዕላ ’ዚ ነቲ ብምልካዊ ስርዓት ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝወርድ ዘሎ ኣስካሕኳሒ ግፍዕን ጭቆናን ዘገልጽ፡ ነቲ ምእንቲ ምርግጋጽ ግዝኣተ ሕጊን ዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ ዋላ ብሓንቲ ስድሪ ወይ እመት ዝዕየር ንቕድሚት ፍሕት ዘብል ክሳብ ዝኾነ፡ ብኣውንታዊ ክርኤ ዘለዎ እዩ። እቶም ኣብኡ ዝተሳተፉ ኤርትራዉያን ዜጋታት እዉን ይዕበ ይንኣስ ኣብ መስርሕ ምርግጋጽ ግዝኣተ ሕጊን ዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ በብዓቕሞም ክዋስኡ ዝጽንሑን፡ እጃሞም ዘበርክቱ ዘለዉ  ዜጋታት ስለዝኾኑ፡ ክድገፍን ክተባባዕን እምበር ክዅነንን ክውገዝን የብሉን እኳ ዝብል መርገጺ እንተሃለወኒ፡ ብቕዓትን ተሰማዕነትን ተሳተፍቲ ክምርምርን ክመዝንን ዉልቃዊ መሰለይ እዩ።

ተሳተፍቲ እቲ ዋዕላ ንሕና ኢና ፈሊጣን እቲ ጉዳይ ብኣና ጥራይ እዩ ብብቕዓት ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ኣብ መጋባእያ ዓለምለኸ ክቀርብ ዝኽእል ዝነበረ ብምባል መሊሶምሉ ስለዘለዉ፡ ኣይፈልኩምን ኤርትራ ምኣስ መኻን ኮይና ጥራይ እየ ክብሎም ዝደሊ፡ ነዚ ኣባሃህላ፡ ዘቕረብዎ መደረን ኣድማዕነት እቲ ዋዕላን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታዉ እየ ድማ ንጽሑፈይ ኦጅጅጅ…!!! ኣቕሓ ኢልናዮስ ኣላዒልናዮ ይብላ ኣዴታት ኤርትራ! ኢለ ዘጠመቕዎ።

ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ካብዝተሳተፉ ኤርትራዉያን ክልተ ሰባት ጥራይ እዮም ኣዝዩ ጉዙፍ ኣካድማዉን ማሕበራዉን ፖሎቲካዊ ክብደታት ዝነበሮም። ቀዳማይ ኣቶ ወልደሱስ ዓማር እዩ፡ ካልኣይ ድማ ፕሮፌሶር ጋይም እዩ። ኣቶ ወልደሱስ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሂወቱ ዝካየዶ ቃልሱን ተሞክርኡን፡ ደረጃ ኣካድምያዊ ዓቕሙን ኣብ ትሕቲኡ ዝምራሕ ሰፊሕ ሃገራዊ ግንባር ናይ ሰልፍታት መሰረታት ዉደባን ቅርጻን ስለዘለዎ ብርግጽ ክብደታት ኣለዎ። ፕሮፌሶር ጋይም ድማ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሂወቱ ዝካየዶ ቃልሱን ተሞክርኡን፡ ደረጃ ኣካድምያዊ ዓቕሙን ኣብ ነዊሕ ዓመታት ንኤርትራ ስደተኛታትን ሕብረተሰብን ዝገልጹ ዝተፈላለዩ ምርምራትን መጽሓፍትን ዝጻሓፈ ፈሊጥ ብምኻኑ ናይብሓቂ ክብደታት ኣለዎ እዩ። ኣብ ህዝቢ ቀሪቦም ድማ ክስሙዑን ከስሙዑን ዝኽእሉ ምኻኖም ዘጣራጥር ኣይኮነን። እቶም ዝተረፉ ኣይተማህሩን ማለት ኣይኮነን ዲግሪታት የብሎምን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ኣይቃለሱን ወይ ኣይተቃለሱን ማለት ኣይኮነን እንታይ ድኣ ዝተወሰነ ማሕበራዊ ፖሎቲካዉን ክብደታት ከምዘለዎም ንምግላጽ ዝዓለመ እዩ።

እቶም ኣባላት ዋዕላ ቡሩስል ንኤርትራዉያን ተሳተፍቲ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዝነበሩ፡ በሉ ነዚ ሕጂ ነሕሉፎ  ዉሳኔታት ንምትግባሩ ፖሎቲካዉን ህዝባዉን ስርርዓትኩምን ደጋፊ ህዝቡኹምን ኣርእይና እንተዝባሃሉ እዉን፡ ብዘይካ ኣቶ ወልደሱስ ዓማር ካልእ እዚ ዝተዋደደ መሳርዕን፡ መሰረታትን ስዓብትን ኣሎኒ ክብል ዝኽእል ሰብ ኣይነበረን።

5.መዛዘሚ፡

ንዓይ ነዚ ጽሑፍ እዚ ክደርስ ዝደረኸኒ ቀንዲ ድርኺት ንምንታይ በዞም ሰባት እቲ ዋዕላ ተኻይዱ ዘይኮነስ  ንተሳታፍነቱ፡ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዝቀረበ ትሕዝቶ፡ ኣጋባብ ኣካያይድኡን ድሕሪኡ ዝሳዓበ ጠገለን ስነምግባርን ዘይሓለወ ጽዕዶታትን መመኽነይታትን እዩ። ፖሎቲካዊ ንጥፈታት ካብ ስነምግባርን ገብረገብነት ወጻኢ ብመሰል ተሸፊኑ ክከይድ እንተጀሚሩ፡ ኣዝዩ ተኣፋፊን ዓንዳርን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ጥቕምታቱ ኣብ ክንዲ ንህዝብን ሃገርን ዝኸዉን ንዉልቀሰባት ስለዝኸዉን እዩ። መሰል ብተናጸል ካብ ሓላፍነትን ተሓታትነትን ጉቡኣትን ኣዉጺኻ ዝርኤ ኣይኮነን። መሰል ካብዞም ዝሮቛሕክዎም ነጥብታት ብተናጸል ክተዘዉትር ኣብ ትህቕነሉ እዋናት ካብ ጥቕምታቱ ድማ ዕንወታቱ ከመዝን እዩ። መሰለይ እዩ ተባሂሉ ቀጥታዊ ወይ ዉክልናዊ ገጻትን ድፊኢታት ዘይብልካ ብዛዕባ ሃገርን ህዝብን ኣብ ዓለምለኻዊ መጋባእያታት ብዝመስለካ ዉልቓዊ ርእይቶታትካ ክትምድርን ነቲ ሕብረተሰብ ንቱኹልካዊ ምትፍናን ኣእቲኻ ኣብ ግርጭታት ከተእቱ ጉቡእ ስለዘይኮነ እዩ። መሰለይ እዩ ተባሂሉ እዉን ሃገርን ህዝብን ክትሸይጥ ክትልዉጥ ትኽእል ኢኻ ማለቶም ድዩ? ስለዚ ኣብዚ ዝተኻየደ ዋዕላ ቡሩሱል ሩኡይ ጉድለታት ኣብ ዉክልናዊ ተሳታፍነትን፡ ቡዙሑነትን ዝቀረበ ትሕዝቶታት ስለዝነበሮ ክእረም ኣለዎ ባሃላይ እየ። ነዚ ድማ ፈጸምቲ እቲ ጉድለት ጥራይ እዮም ብጉሉጽነትን ክእርሙዎን ነቲ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ዘይተደልየ ምትፍናናት ደዉ ንክብል ክገብርዎ ዝኽእሉ።

ብጣዕሚ ዘሕዝንን ዘተሓሳስብን ኣጋጣሚታትን ተረኽቦን እዩ። ኣብ 36 ዓመታት ፖሎቲካዊ ቃልሰይን ተሞክሮታተይን ከምዚ ናይ ምምኽኻር ወይ ሓባሪ-መወከሲ ጉጂለ (lobby or reference Group) ኢሉ ንነብሱ ጸዊዕዋ ዘሎ ዝዓለቀ ዝተዋረደን ፖሎቲካዊ ጉጂለ ሬን ሰሚዔን ኣይፈልጥን! ካብቲ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ዘርኣይዎ ምጅጃዋት፡ ዘይምዉህሃድ፡ ዘይብቕዓት ተዓዘብቲ ወጻእተኛታት እዉን ካይገረሞም ኣይተረፈን። ንሳቶም ዘልዕልዎ ሕቶ ሕቶ ዲሞክራስን ሕቶ ስብኣዊ መሰላት ካብ ኮነ፡ ሕቶ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ድማ ኣብ ስነ-ሓሳብ ህዝብን ሃገርን (Nation-stae) ንህላወ ወይ ትንፋስ ሓቐኛ ዲሞክራሲ መሰረቱ ስለዝኾነ፡ ካብ ሃገራዉነትን ህዝባዉነትን ተነጺልካ ዝራጋገጽ ዲሞክራሲ ድማ የሎን። ነዚ ሓቕታት እዚ ዝፈልጡ ኤዉሮጳዉያን ድምጺ ሃገራዉነቶምን ህዝባዉነቶምን ምትሓቱን ካብ ቀንዲ ረብሓታት ሃገርን ህዝብን ዘይምንቃለም ዝተዓዘቡ ከመይ ክዒቦሞም ይኾኑ? በዚ ኮይኑ በቲ እቶም ዓደምቲ እቲ ዋዕላ ዝኾኑ EEPA እዉን ጹቡቕ ገይሩ መዚንዎም ኣሎ። ከም መወከሲ ዝጥቀመሎም ነይሩ እንተኾይኑ እዉን ዉክልናዊን ተሰማዕነታዊ ሸነኻቶም ፈሊጡ ስለዘሎ፡ ድሕሪ ሕጂ ከም መወከሲ ወይ ከም ቀሌቤት ኣብ መንጉኡን ኣብ መንጎ ተቃዉሞ ኤርትራ ክጥቀመሎም ድዩ ኣይኮነን ኣብ ምልክት ሕቶ ዝኣተወ ጉዳይ እዩ። ካብ  ኩሉ ዝኾነ ኤዉሮጳዊ ልዕሊ ዝኾነ ፉጡር ኣብ ዓለምና ሓሳዉን መዳናገርን ተንኮለኛን ከንሱ፡ ሓንሳብ ከተታሉሎን ክትሕስዎን እንተረኺብካ ድሕሪኡ ሚዛንካ ኣብ ቕድሚኡ ባይታ ዝዘበጠ እዩ። እቲ ልዕሊ ኩሉ ዘሕዝን ግን ጉድለታት ከም ዘሎ እንዳታፈልጠ ክንሱን፡ ምኣስ ንሕና መልኣኽቲ ኬና እንዳተባህለ ከንሱ ነቲ ዝተራእየ ጉድለታት ክትእረመሉ ኣብ ክንድምፍታን ኣብ ፍጹም ምክልኻል ምእታዉን ጠባያት ዓሎቕትን ተረርት ልቢ እዩ። ብዝኾነ ትኣምር ተረርት ልቢን ዓሎቕትን ድማ ረብሓ ሃገርን ህዝብን ከራጋግጹ ኣብ ፖሎቲካ ዓለም ኣይተራእየን ኣይተሰምዔን።
ካብዚ ክዉንነት ጉዳይ ኤርትራን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዳግም ኣብ ጉጉይ ኣእዳዉ ካይወድቕ ድማ ጥንቃቄታት ከድሊ ምኻኑ እቲ ተረኽቦታት ኣገንዚብኒ ኣሎ። ተስፋ ይገብር ድማ ህዝቢ ተገንዚብዎ ክኸዉን።

ብኣንጻር እዚ ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ኣድማዒ ስራሓት ስለዝተኻየደ ክንነቕፎም የብልናን ዝብል ርእይቶታት ኣሎ። እዚ ርእይቶ እዚ ካብ ክልተ ጫፍ ፈለጋት ዝነቐለ እዩ። ቀዳማይ፡ ካብ የዋህነትን ሰናይ ድሌትን ዝነቀለ ኮይኑ፡ እንቃዕ ድኣ ጉዳይና ኣብ መጋባእያታት ዓለም ኣቕረብዎ እንበር መንነቶም ዉሽጣዊ ኣታሓሳስባቶምን ዝተጠቕምሉ ሜላታት ኣገዳሲ ኣይኮነን ዝብሉ እዮም። ካልኣይ፡ ድማ ብመራሕቶም ወይ ብወከልቶም ኣብቲ ዋዕላ ተወኪሎም ሱታፌ ስለዝነበሮም ነቲ ዝተራእየ ናይ ረብሓ ግርጭታትን ገለልትነትን ከምኻኑዩሉን ቁኑዕ ከምዝነበረ ከእሙኑ ዝፍቱኑ እዮም። እዞም ክልተ ተጻረርት ኣራእያታት ዝዉሕጥዎ ሓቕታት ግን ኣሎ፡ ንሱ ድማ ንኹሉ ዝወከለን ዘሳተፈን እንተዝኸዉን ዝሓሸ ነይሩ ዝብል እዩ። ብመሰረቱ ግን ሓደ ተረኽቦ ኣጋጢሙ ዋላዉን እቲ ተረኽቦ ዓወታት የመዝግብ ጉድለታቱ ክእረም የብሉን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ብዘመዝገቦ ዓወታት ክምስገን ይግባእ፡ ብዝፈጸሞ ጉድለታት ድማ ክንቐፍ እዩ ዝግባእ። ብቀንዱ ግን ዘመዝገቦ ዝኾነ ይኹን ግብራዊ ዓወታት ስለዘየለ፡ ብዘይካ ኣሉታ ኣዉንታ ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን።

 

ወድሓንኩም!

መርዕድ ዘርኡ

18/11/2009

መወከሲታትን ካብቲ ብዛዕባ ዋዕላ ቡሩሱል ገለ ዝተጻሕፈን ዝተባህለን ርእይቶታት፡-

1፡http://assenna.com/index.php/english/focus/2123-with-us-or-against-us-doesnt-work-for-journalists

2፡http://www.awate.com/portal/content/view/5381/11/

3፡ http://www.awate.com/portal/content/view/5383/3/

4፡http://www.nharnet.com/November_2009/T_Article_%20Waela%20brussels%20bmenxr%20TQm_TT_Novenber1909i.pdf

5፡http://www.awate.com/portal/content/view/5374/5/

6፡http://www.awate.com/portal/content/view/5361/5/

7፡http://assenna.com/index.php/english/focus/2096-simple-truths-of-the-brussels-conference-

November 21, 2009

ሓፈሻው ኩነታት ትምህርትን ስርዓት ትምህርትን ኣብ ኤርትራ

Filed under: Report — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 12:27 pm

ብተዛማዲ ኣብ ኩሉ ዓውድታት ስራሕ ኤርትራ ግሉጽን ስቱርን ተቓውምታት’ኳ እንተሃለወ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ኣብ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ 2008/2009 ኣመልኪቱ ኣብ ዘካየዶ ገምጋም ስራሕ መማህራን’ውን ብጋህዲ ካብ ዘቕረብዎ ግን ከኣ መዓኽን መራኸብቲ ሓፋሽ ህግደፍ ዝሸፋፈንኦ ተቓውሞታት ከቕርበልኩም።

 

ሓፈሻዊ ኩነታት ትምህርቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ሕጂ እዋን

 

ድሕረ ባይታ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ብመሰረት ኣብቲ እዋን ዝወጸ መምርሒ ትምህርቲ

መባእታ ደረጃ (primary school) – ካብ 1ይ ክሳብ 5ይ ክፍሊ

ማእከላይ ደረጃ (Middle school) – ካብ 6ይ ክሳብ 8ይ ክፍሊ

ካልኣይ ደረጃ (High school) – ካብ 9ይ ክሳብ 11 ክፍሊ’ዩ ኔሩ። ድሒሩ ዝተገበረ ምትዕርራይ ኣብ ማኣከላይን ካልኣይን ኾይኑ ማለት ማEከላይ ካብ 6ይ ክጅምር ካልኣይ ካብ 9ይ ክጅምር መባእታ ግን ከምዘለዎ ኾይኑ ብቋንቋ ኣዶ ክኸውን ተጌሩ።

ድሕሪ 2003 እውን ኣብ ውሸጢ ማእከል ስልጠና ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ሳዋ ናይ 12 ክፍሊ

ትምህርቲ ተጀሚሩ። ከም መልቐቂ ፈተና ካልኣይ ደረጃ (High school leaving certificate examination/matriculation) ኣብ ከባቢ መጋቢት ትምህርቶም ዝውድእ ተምሃሮ 11 ክፍሊ ተፈቲኖም ንወተሃደራዊ ታዓሊምን ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ናብ ሳዋ ይወረዱ’ሞ መስከረም ውጽእቶም ሰሚዖም እቶም ዝሓለፉ ናብ ኣስመራ ዩኒቨርስቲ እቶም ዝተረፉ’ውን ዒጭኦም ውትህድርና ይኸውን ኔሩ። ኣብ ሳዋ 12 ክፍሊ ምስተጀመረ ግን እቲ ፈተና ኣብ 12 ክፍሊ ከምዝኸውን ተጌሩ። ኣብዚ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ ብፕረዝደንት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሳዋ ንዝነበሩ ተምሃሮ ዘገርም ሓድሽ መብጽዓ ተዋሂቡ ”ካብ ሕጂ ፈተና ዝተረፈ ፍቆዶ በረኻ ዝሓለፈ ናብ ዝለዓለ ትምህርቲ ዕድል ክትረኽቡ ኢኹም” ቅድሚ እዚ ንተምሃሮ ምንጋሩ’ውን ኣብቲ እዋን ንኣስታት12/13 ዓመታ እታ ሃገር ክትሰርሓሉ ንዘጸንሐት ናይ ትምህርቲ ፖሊሲ በቶም ኣብተን ዓመታት’ውን እንተኾነ ከም ካቢኔ ኾይኖም መንበር ጥራይ እንዳተቐያየሩ ዘመሓድሩ ዝነበሩ  ካቢኔ ሚኒስተራት ኤርትራ ብኽነት(wastage) ተባሂሉ ተወጊዙ ኔሩ። ነዚ መለውጦ ክመጽእ ድፍኢት ዝገበረ ብሽም ቁልጡፍ መቐይሮ ስርዓት ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ (Rapid transformation of Eritrean Educational system) ዝተብሃለ ኣብ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ 2002 ዓ/ም ዝቐረበ

መጽናዕታዊ ጽሑፍ’ዩ ኔሩ። ኣብቲ እዋን ኩሎም ዝምለከቶም ኣካላት ዱንጉይ ለውጢ ምዃኑ ካብ ምግላጽ ድሕር ኣይበሉን። ተምሃሮ 12 ክፍሊ ከይተረፉ ብዛዕባ እቲ መጽናዕቲ ብመልክዕ ሰሚናር ክገልጽ ናብ ሳዋ ንዝመጾም ሚኒስተር ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ ዝነበረ ኣቶ ዑስማን ሳልሕ ሓደ ተምሃራይ ብሕቶ መልክዕ ዘቕረበሉ ጽቡቅ ኣብነት’ዩ። ”ካቢኔ ሚኒስትራትን መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ኤርትራ Wastage ዝበልኦ ሚኒስትሪ ወኪልካ ኣብዚ ብምምጻእካ እንታይ ይስምዓካ” ኢሉ ኣኾሪዎ ኔሩ፡ ኣብ ላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ቅድሚ እዚ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ ካብ ሃገራዊ መርመራ ንዝተዓወቱ ተምሃሮ እተእንግድ እንኮ ዩኒቨርስቲ ኤርትራ ዝነበረት ዩኒቨርስቲ ኣስመራ ንክትዕጾውን ስርሓ ደው ክተብልን ተፈሪዳ። ኣብ ክንድኣ ካልኦት ሓደሽቲ ኮሌጃት ብቁልጡፍ ተመስሪተን ንሳተን ከኣ፡-

The Eritrean Institute of Technology ከምኡ’ውን ካልኦት 5 ኮሎጃት

The College of Agriculture

The College of Art and Social Science

The College of Business and Economics

The College of Marine and Technology

Orota School of Medicine and College of Health Science

እዘን ትካላት ላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ‘ውን ኣብ ትሕቲ ወተሃደራዊ ምሕደራ ካብ ወተሃደራዊ መዓስከር ሳዋ ብዝተመረጹ ኮነሬላት ንክመሓደራ ብመርመራ ዘይተመመዩ ተምሃሮ ኣብ ዝሓሸ ዓውደ ትምህርቲ ብሰበይ ሰብካ ተመዲቦም ትምህርቲ ተባሂሉ ክጽዋE ኣጸጋሚ መስርሕ ተጀሚሩ።

ንዝለዓለ ትምህርቲን ንሽሙ ዓውዲ ትምህርቲ መፍለዩ ተባሂሉ ዝወሃብ ምሕላፍ ምትራፍ

ዘይብሉ ሃገራዊ መርመራ መመሊሱ ንታሕቲ ዘንቆልቁል ዝነበረ ውጽኢት ተምሃሮ ኣራጢጡ ባይታ ዘቢጡ እዚ ነቲ ብዘይ መጽናዕቲ ዝተዋህበ ናይ ዓያሹ መብጽዓ ኣብ 2005 ከምዝፈርስ ገበሮ። እቲ ፈተና ከም መሕለፊን መትረፊን መፍለይን እንተኾነ’ውን እቲ ዘስዓቦ ቁስሊ ግን ፈጺሙ ክፍወስ ኣይከኣለን። ኣብ 2008 ን2ይ ደረጃ ዳይረክተራት ኣብ ሳዋ ኣብ ዝተገረ ኣኼባ ናይቲ ዓመት ውጽኢት ብዶክተር ብስራት ሓላፊት ማእከል መርመራ ጸብጻብ ተነቢቡ ኔሩ። ካብ ተሳተፍቲ እቲ መርመራ ልዕሊ 60% ብኩሉ ዓይነት ትምህርቲ F ከምዘምጽኡን ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ክሓስብሉን ከምዝግባእ ተላቢያ።

 

ኣብዚ ሕጂ እዋን፡-

 

ኣብ ታሕሳስ 2008 ዝወጸ ጽሑፍ ሚ/ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ (Eritrean Overview of Educational Sector) ብደረጃ ሚኒስትሪ’ውን ዝእመነሉ ፍሩያት ድኽመት ግን እቲ ጽሑፍ ብሽም ብድሆታት (Challenges) ዘስፈሮ ክጥቐስ ይከኣል።

ዘይምዕሩየት ትሑት ቐረብ (መሳለጢ ትምህርቲ)

ትሑት ትሕዝቶን ዘይተዛማድነት (ስርዓት ትምህርቲ)

ተሑት ውሽጣዊ ብቕዓት (ውጽኢት ትምህርቲ ተምሃሮ)

ድሩት ምሕደራዊ ብቕዓት (ምሕደራ ትምህርቲ)

እዚ ክማላእ ክጸፍፍን ክጸርይን ዝግብኦ መባእታዊ ግን ከኣ ኣገዳሲ ድኽመታት ብደረጃ

ሚኒስትሪ ብድሆታት ኢልካ ምሕላፍ ንምትዕርራዩ’ውን ተገዳስነትን ድሌትን ከምዘየሎ

ዝሕመረቱ ብምዃኑ ኣብ ዓውዲ ትምህርቲ እጃሞም ዘበርክቱ ዜጋታት ተስፋ ዘቁርጽ’ዩ።

 

ኩነታት ተምሃሮ (ኣብ 2 ደረጃ ዝመሃሩ) ፡-

 

ኣብ ኩለን 2ይ ደረጃ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ (31 ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ኣለዋ) ሓደ ተምሃራይ ትምህርቲ ክምዝገብ ናይ ምምሕዳር ኩፖን ዘለዎ ዋሕስ ሒዙ ክቐርብ ይግደድ። ትምህርቲ እንተቋሪጹ’ውን ንምምሕዳር ከባቢ ብዝተመዝገበላ ኩፖን ቁጽሪ ይሕብር። እታ ኩፖን ህይወት ምልእቲ ስድራቤት‘ያ። ኣብ ሙሉእ ሃገር ወርሓዊ መቁነን (እዘን ተደለይቲ ሃለኽቲ ከም እኽሊ፡ ባኒ፡ ሽኮር፡ ላንባ….) ዝኣመሰላ ብኩፖን ይዕደላ ካብ ዕዳጋ ውን ¼ ክሳብ 1/10 ስለዝሓስር ብዘይ ኩፖን ናብራ ኣጸጋሚ’ዩ። ብኩፖን ዝገዛእካዮ ሒዝካ ዕዳጋ ተማዕድው። ንኣብነት ሓንቲ 5 ዝኣባላት ስድራ ብ0.50 ናቕፋ 3 ባኒ ንመዓልቲ፡ 15 ኪሎ ምሸላ ንወርሒ ንኪሎ ብ10 ናቕፋ፡ 3 ኪሎ ሽኮር ንወርሒ ብ13 ናቕፋ… ትረክብ እዚ ስለዘይኣኽል ብዕዳጋ ይምልኡ። ኣብ ዕዳጋ ባኒ

5 ናቕፋ፡ ማሸላ 33 ናቕፋ፡ ሸኮር 60 ናቕፋ ኣብ ላዕሊ ንዝተጠቕስ መስፈሪ ይዕድጉ።

ኣብ ኤርትራ ካብ ቦታ ቦታ ንክትንቀሳቐስ ኣብ እትነብረሉ ከተማ (ዓዲ) ገዛውቲ ከይተረፈ ብሽም መንቐሳቐሲ ዝፍለጥ ወረቐት ፈቓድ ክህልወካ ኣለዎ። ኣብ ክሊ ዕድመ ትምህርቲ ዝርከቡ መንእሰያት መንቐሳቐሲ ፍቓዶም ታሴራ ቤት ትምህርቲ’ዩ።

ንኣሽቱ ይኹን ዓበይቲ ንግዳዊ ትካል ዘለዎም ስድራ ቤት ፍቃድ ንግዲ ከሓድሱ ምስዝደልዩ ዓመታዊ ግብሪ ምኽፋሎም ኣኻሊ ኣይኮነን። ሃለዋት ደቆም ከካብ ዘለውዎ ትካል ሰራሕተኛታት እንተ ኾይኖም ኣሃዱ ወተሃደራት እንተኾይኖም ካብ ቤ/ትምህርቲ ተምሃሮ እንተኮይኖም ክቕርቡ ይግደዱ እዚ መስርሕ’ውን ዓመታዊ’ዩ። እዚን ካልእን ደፊኡዎምን ኣገዲዱዎም ናብ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ (ብሕልፊ ኣብ ናይ 2ይ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ዕድመ ክሊ ዝርከቡ) ኣብ ትምህርቶም ዘለዎም ኣጠማምታን ድሌትን ትሑት ኣብ

ርእሲ ምዃኑ ኣብ ትሕቲ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ዘቋረጹ ወይ’ውን ምስዝተርፉ ዕጭኦም ዊዓ

(ውትህድርና) ስለዝኸውን ሽቁሩራት ከም ሓደ ብሰብ ዝተሰርሓ መሳርሒ (Man Made

Machine) ግበር ዝበልካዮ ዝገብር ኣይትግበር ዝበልካዮ ዘይገብር ንተበላሕነቶም ኮነ ንምህዞ

ዘይግደሱ ውጹዓት ተስፋኦም ጽልመት’ዮም። ብሕልፊ ብዕድመ ዕብይ ዝበሉ ተምሃሮ ኣብ ከባቢ ቤት ትምህርቲ ወተሃደራት ወይ ዓበይቲ ናይ ጽዕነት መካይን ምስዝረኣያ ዝሃድሙ ወይ ክሃደሙ ዝፍትኑ ምርኣይ ልሙድ’ዩ። ዕድል ኣብ ዝረኸቡሉ ሞት ወይ ነዊሕ ማእሰርቲ ክስዕብ ዝኽእል ስግረ ዶብ ንምፍታን ድሕር ኣይብሉን’ዮም። እቶም ውሑዳት ዝርካቦም ብስድርኦም

ብዝግበረሎም ኽንክን ኣብ መባእታ ንፋዓት ዝነበሩ ብዕድመ ምስ በሰሉን ኣብ 2ይ ደረጃ ምስበጽሑ “ደይ ተማሂርና‘ውን ናብ ሳዋ” ዝብል ኣተሓሳሰባ ተገዳስነቶም ከንቆልቁል ይረኣይ። ነቶም ተገዳስነቶም ክዕቕቡ ዝኽኣሉ’ውን ክሳብ ሕጂ ንልዕሊ 7ተ ዓመታት ኣብ 2ይ ደረጃ ኣብ ኩሉ ዓይነት ትምህርቲ መምሃሪ መጻሕፍቲ (Text Book) ኣይተዳለወን ብቕዓት ዓይነት ተገዳስነት መማህራን’ውን ንተምሃሮ ዝስሕብ ኣይኮነን።

 

ኩነታት መማህራን፡-

 

ብሓፈሽኡ ኣብ ኩለን ትካላት መንግስቲ ዝምደቡ ካብ ላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ዝተመረቁ መንእሰያት ትሑዝ 3ተ ዓመት ብዘይ ደሞዝ ክሰርሑ ይግደዱ። 1ይ ዓመት ብሽም ዩኒቨርስቲ ሰርቪስ ናይ ጁባ 441 ናቕፋ፡ 2ይ ዓመት ብሽም ንጡፍ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት 145 ናቕፋ፡ 3ይ ዓመት ብሽም ምዱብ ሃገራዊ ግልጋሎት 500 ናቕፋ ነዚ ሕሰም ምስ ወድU’ውን ኣብ 1996 ምጣነ ሸርፊ ዶላር 5.30 ብር ኪሎ ዝወጸ መሳልል ደሞዝ ሰራሕተኛታት መንግስቲ ንኽኣትው 4 ወይ ኣብ መንጎ ምስግጋር ዘጋጥም ልሙድ ጌጋ ወይ ብትሑት ብቕዓት ብልሹውን ምሕደራን ልሙድ ምድንጓይ ብቁማር ተባሂሉ ዝሕለፍ’ዩ። ኣብ ካልኦት ትካላት ብባህርይን ዓይነት ስራሕ ገለ ርህሩሃት ሓለፍቲ ተወሳኺ ኣታዊ ዝረኽቡሉ መገዲ ሃስስ የብሉሎም’ዮም። ኣብ ሞያ መምህርና ግን ኸምዚ ኽግበር ዘይኽእል ብምዃኑ ህዝቢ ከባቢ ክሕግዝን ክዋጽእን ብምምሕዳራት ከባቢ ይሕተት’ዩ። እዚ ግን ናይ ተመጽዋትነት ስምዒት ይፈጥረሎም ከቢድ ናብራ ኤርትራ ንምግጣሙ ናብ ትሑት መዓልታዊ ናይ ጉልበት ስራሕ ዝዋፈሩ ዋላ’ውን ናብ ውትህድርና ክስሓቡ ዝብህጉ መማህራን ኣለው።

ኣብ ኣመዳድባ መምህራን ብዓይነት ትምሀርቲ ምዕሩይ ብዘይምዃኑ ኣብ ዝተመደቡላ ቤት

ትምምህርቲ ኣብ ዘይፈልጥዎን ምስ ትምህርቶም ኣብ ዘይሳነ ዓውዲ ትምህርቲ ዝምደቡሉ

እዋን‘ውን ኣሎ። ውጹኡን ወድዓዊ ናይ ቅያር ፖሊሲ ዘይምህላው ኣብ ፍርቂ ዓመት ወይ‘ውን ኣብ መወዳእታ ዓመት “ሕጂ’ኸ ናበይ ይቕይሩኒ ይኾኑ” ዝብል ሻቅሎት ኣብ ኩሉ መምህር ዝፍጠር’ዩ። ብሕልፊ ናብ ሳዋ ኣብ መወዳእታ ዓመት ካብ ሓንቲ 2ይ ደረጃ ክሳብ ሓሙሽተ መማህራን ክቕየሩ ግድን እዩ።

ናብ ዝለዓለ ትምህርቲ/ስልጠና ንካልኣይ ደረጃ መማህራን ዘይምህላው፡ እንተ ኣሎ’ውን

ንላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ሕዙኡ ዝኾነ ዕድል ትምህርቲ’ዩ። ኣብዘን ዝሓለፋ ዓመታት ካብ ዝተኻየደ ስልጠና ብደረጃ ማስትሬት ብጣዕሚ ዘገርም ናይ ላንካስተር/ኢንግላንድ ክጥቐስ ይከኣል። እዚ ስልጠና ንሓለፍቲ ዝተዋሃበ ኾይኑ እቶም ተሳተፍቲ ካብ 8ይ ክፍሊ ከይተረፉ ዝኣተውሉ ኩሎም’ውን ቐዳማይ ዲግሪ ዘይብሎ ክኾኑ ከለው እታ ዩኒቨርስቲ’ውን ዝሃበቶም ሰርቲፊኬት Invalid in UK ዝብል ሕታም ጽሑፍ ኣብ ታሕቲ ኣስፊሮምሉ። ድሕሪ እዚ ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ተጀሚሩ እተን ዩኒቨርስታት መረዳእታ ትምህርቲ ስለዝሓታ ተስፋ ዝህብ’ዩ ኔሩ እንተኾነ ግን ዝተላእኩ መብዛሕትኦም ብዘይምምላሶም ተቋሪጹ።

ኣብዚ ሕጂ እዋን ዝተጀመረ ናይ ተልእኮ ትምህርቲ’ውን ኣሎ። እዚ ንማስትሬት ዝካየድ ዘሎ ትምህርቲ ብሙሉኡ ብሓለፍቲ ዝተታሕዘ’ዩ። ብገንዘብ ህዝብን መንግስትን ንካልኦት ማስትሬት ከይተረፈ ዝመሃሩ ኣለው። ኣብ እዋን ፈተና ወይ ውን እዮ ኩለን ቤ/ጽ ሓለፍቲ ዕውት ምዃነን‘ውን ናይ ስራሕ ሃጓፍ ዝፈጥር ዘሎ’ዩ።

ካብ ኮሌጃት (ማይ ነፍሒ) ወዲኦም ዝመጹ መማህራን‘ውን ኣብ ኮሌጅ ከለው ብወተሃደራዊ ኣተሓሕዛ ስለዝሓልፉ ከም ሲቪል መማህራን ኾይኖም ከዓዩ ይጽገሙ ምስቲ ንኣሽቱ ምዃኖምን ብዘለዎም ፊነንሳዊ ጸገም ብዝሒ ብኩራትን ስነ- ምምህርናዊ በዳላት ይፍጽሙ። ኣብ መንጎ ትምህርቶም ትምህርቲ ከይወድኡ ዝምደቡ ተምሃሮ ኮሌጃት‘ውን ኣብ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ኮነ ኣብ ዕድሚኦም ዝወርድ ዘሎ ክሳራ ማንታ ጎድናዊ ሳዕቤኑን ዘየቕስን ኣደራዕ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኾይኑ ይርከብ። መንግስቲ ኣብ ዝደለዮ እዋን ብዘይጭቡጥን ዘየማትእን ምኽኒት ኮሌጃት ዓጽዩ መኣስ ናብ መኣዲ ትምህርቶም ከም ዝምለሱ ከይነገረ ንመነባብሮ ብዘጸግም ናይ ጁባ ሰልዲ ኣብ ዘይፈልጥዎ ሞያን ባህልን ዝምድቦም ተምሃሮ ብዓቢኡ እዞም መንእሰያት ኣብ መንግስቲ ዘለዎም እምነት ጠቕሊሉ ከምዝጠፍእ ጌሩዎ ይርከብ።

ብካልእ ወገን’ውን ትምህርቲ ከም ዝብድልን ተምሃሮ ከምዝጎድእን ጌርዎም ኣሎ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ 2008/09 ካብ መኣዲ ትምህርቶም ተጎናዲቦም ብስም ምትዕርራይ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ ኮሌጅ ማይ ነፍሒ ናብ ሚኒስትሪታትን ኣብያተ ትምህርትን ዝተመደቡ ልዕሊ 2ይ ዓመት ተምሃሮ እዚ ኮሌጅ ዘጋጠሞም ክጥቐስ ይከኣል። ብዓቢኡ እቲ ኣብ ዝተላለየ ጊዜን ኩነታትን ዝግበር ምቁራጽ ትምህርቲ ኣብ ዝለዓላ ትካላት ትምህርቲ ይበዝሕ ምህላው ከምኡ’ውን ተሓታቲ ኮነ ኣዋዲ ዘይብሉ ምዃኑ ተምሃሮ ቐሲኖም ውራይ ትምህርቶም ከይገብሩን ብተስፋ ንብቅዓትን ንዝሓሸ ፍልጠት ከይጽዕሩ ዘሰናኽል ኣብ ንኡስ ዕድመ ኣብ ዝለዓለ ጥርዚ ተበላሓትነትን ምስትውዓልን ኣብ ዝበጽሑሉ እዋን ብምዃኑ መንእሰያት ምጽዋሩ ብምስኣን ሓለምትን ጠመትን ከምኡ’ውን ግዳይ ስግረ ዶብ ከም ዝኾኑ ጌሩዎም ኣሎ። እዚ መስፈሪ ዘይርኸቦ በደል ኣብ ልዕሊ ትምህርትን መንእሰያትን ውርጹጻት ብምንታይ ከመኽንይሉ ከምዝኽእሉ ከምኡ’ውን ነቲ ዝረኸቡዎ መኽሰብን ጥቅምን እንታይ ኢሎም ይገልጽዎ ይኾኑ? ዋላስ እንተ ዘይዓሪቡዎም 13 ዓመታት ተጸብዮም እታ ልምድቲ “ብኽነት” ትብል ቃል ከምጽኡ ደሊዮም? ኩነታት መነባብሮ መማህራን‘ውን ነቲ ሞያ ኣዝዩ ከም ዝፍንፈንን ከምዝጽላእ ካብ ዝገበርዎ ረቋሓታት ሓደ’ዩ። ብሓፈሻ ሙሉእ ሃገር ኣብ ሕማቅ መነባብሮ ከምዘሎ ዘይከሓድ ኾይኑ ከም መምህር ግን መነባብሮ ዝደሃኾን ሰይሰይ ዝበለሉን ክፋል ህዝቢ የሎን።

ብሰንኪ ዓቢ ጸገም‘ውን ምስ ስነ-ምግባር መምህርና ዘይሳነ ስራሕ (ሽቅለት) ዝተጸመዱን ዝተዋፈሩን መማህራን ብዙሓት’ዮም (ኣብ ስቱር ቦታ ዝስከሙ ኣብ ወደብ)፡ ኣብ እንዳ ባኒ፡ ኣብ ዓበይቲን ንኣሽቱን ሆቴላት ከም ኣሳሰይቲ (waiter)፡ ኣብ መጓዓዝያ ምድሪ ከም ተቆጻጸርቲን ፎቶሪኖን፡ ገዛ ገዛ ከም ቆናኒት እንዳዞሩ ደቂ ሃብታማት ዝምህሩ… ዝሰርሑን ብዙሓት መማህራን’ዮም። ኣብ ወሰና ወሰን ዶባት ዝተመደቡ’ውን ዝመችኦም ጊዜ ተጸቢዮም ሃገሮም ራሕሪሖም ይሃድሙ ወይ’ውን ጽቡቅ ኣታውን ገንዘብን ክረኽብ ዝኽእል ድለላ ምስጋር መንእሰያት (ስግረ-ዶብ) ይኣትው (እንታይ እሞ ክገብሩ ንምብዳህ ሕማቅ መነባብሮ’ምበር ክብረት መምህርና ጠፊኡዎም ኣይኮነን)።

ኣብዚ ሕጂ እዋን ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ (ብሕልፊ 2ይ ደረጃ) ተምሃሮን መማህራንን

ንመንቐሳቐሲ ወረቐት ክብሉ ዝተዓቁሩለን መጻንሒ) መዕቐሊ ትካላት’ምበር ፍልጠት

ዝሽመተለን መጻኢ ወለዶታት እታ ሃገር ዝኹስኾሱለን ትካላት ካብ ምዃን በቲ ምድንቋር

ወለዶን ምልማስ ስርዓተ ትምህርትን ስርሐይ ኢሉ ዝሓዞ መንግስቲ ተፈሪደን ይርከባ።

ኣብ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ 2008/09 ኣብ 2ይ ደረጃ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ዝምህሩ ልዕሊ 300

መማህራን ስርሖም ኣቋሪጾም። እዚ ድማ ዓመታዊ ብምዃኑ ኣብ ኩለን ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ

ገዳይምን ናይ ስራሕ ተመኩሮ ዘለዎም መማህራን ንዓይነት ከማን ኣብ ዘይርከብሉ ደረጃ

ተበጺሑ ኣሎ። ብሕልፊ ኣብ ዞባታት እታ ብበዝሒ ሙኩራት መማህራን ዝሓሸት ዝነበረት ዞባ ማእከል (ኣስመራ) ሪጋኣ በጺሑ ኣብዘን ዝሓለፈ ክልተ ዓመታት ብመማህራን ዞባ ማእከል “ሱናሚ” ተባሂሉ ዝተጸወዓ ምቅይያር መማህራን ብሕልፊ ናብ ሳዋ ንዝሓለፈ ኩርካሕን ሓርጎጽጎጽን ተጻዊሮም ሰለይ ክብሉ ዝጸንሑ ምኩራትን ዓበይቲ መማህራን ዘኾረየን ነቲ ዝፈትውዎን ዝደኽሙሉ ሞያ ክገድፍዎ ዝደፍኣን ዘቀላጥፋን ፍጻሜ ኔሩ። ካብተን ዘይጠቅማ ደሞዝን ናይ ጁባ ክፍሊት ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ እዋናትን ኩነታትን ዝግበር ውጽኢትን ተቆራጽን ጥጡሕ ሕጊ መነባብሮን ጡረታን ዘይምህላው፡ ኩነታት ስልዒትን ከምኡ’ውን ኣከፋፍላ ኣበል ኣብ ኩለን ሚኒስትሪታት ስሩዑ ዘይምዃን ብሕልፊ ናይ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ትሑት ዘይሚዛናዊ ምዃን ብሰንኪ ብልሽውን ትሑት ብቕዓት ምሕደራ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ እቲ ዝግባኣካ ክፍሊት ብእዋኑ ዘይምርካብ ብርትዓዊ ዋጋ ዝመጽእ ሃለኽቲ ኩለን ሚኒስትሪታት ተጠቐምቲ ክኾና ከለዋ መማህራን ግን (ብጀካ ኣባላት ቤ/ጽ) ምሕሳሞም….. ንመማህራን ዝፈታተኑ ዘለው ኩነታት’ዮም።

ብሽም ርትዓዊ ድኳን ዝፍለጥ ድኳን ሃለኽቲ ካብ ኣስመራ ወጻኢ ኣብ ትሕቲ ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ጨንፈር ዞባ ወይ ንኡስ ዞባ ይምእከል። ተጠቃሚ ኢቲ ድኳን ክትኸውን‘ውን ምስቲ ጨንፈር ዘለካ ዝምድና ይውስኖ። ናይ ሓንቲ ኣሃዱ ዝምድና ምስዚ ጨንፈር ክድልድል ስሩዑ ሰሙናዊ ኣኼባ ክተካይድ በቲ ጨንፈር ንዝለኣኽ ፖለቲካዊን እዋናዊ ጽሑፋት ብተገዳስነት ክትመያየጥን ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ዝደልዮ መልስ-ዕንጋለ ክትሰድድን ኣገዳሲ ሓበሬታ ክትሰድድ ወርሓዊ ጸብጻብ እታ ጨንፈር ብእትደልዮ ኣገባብ ኣጸሓሕፋን መንፈስን ጌርካ ክትሰድድ ማእቶታዊ መዳባት ኣብ ጊዜ ዕረፍቲ ኣባላትካ ክተካይድ …ካብ ዝሕተታ ረቋሕታት’የን። እዘን ዝተጠቀሳ ብዘለዎም ተደራራቢ ስራሕን ዋሕዲ ጊዜን ድሌት’ውን ዘይብሎም እቲ ምምስሳል’ውን ፍጊዕ ስለዝበሎም ክኸውን ይኽእል ብመምህርና ዘይትግበራ ኣብ ርኣሲ ምዃነን ጨናፍር ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍ ዘለዎም ኣጠማምታ ምሁራን’ውን ኣብ ትሑታዊ ቅልውላው (Inferiority Complex) ዝተመስረተ ብምዃኑ ጨናፍር ህ.ግ.ደ.ፍን መማህራንን ሓመድን ዓይንን ኾይነን ኣለዋ።

ሱፐር ቫይዘራት ኣብ ምኽያድ ጥጡሕን ስሩዑን ስርዓተ ትምህርቲ ከበርክትዎ ዝኽእሉ ሞያዊን ምሕደራዊ ሓገዝ ንኣብያተ ትምህርትን መማህራንን ሸለል ዝተባህለን ዝተረስዓን ይመስል። ን2ይ ደረጃ ዝምደቡ ሱፐር ቫይዘራት ዘለዎም ብቕዓት ተቐባልነት ብመማህራን ትሑት’ዩ። ኢቲ መስርሕ ሱፐርቪዥን ኣብ ክንዲ ደገፍ ዝህብ ኣብ መጥቃዕቲን ተወራዛይንትን ዝተመርኮሰ ብምዃኑ ብዙሓት መማህራን ብሱፐርቪዥን ሕጉሳት ኣይኮኑን። ኣብ ዞባታት ብዘሎ ዋሕዲ ሱፐርቫይዘራት ጸገም መጓዓዝያ ተወሲኹዎ የሎን ኣብ ዝበሃለሉ ደረጃ በጺሑ ይርከብ። ካብ ዝሓለፈ ኣርባዕተ ዓመታት ኣትሒዙ ኩለን መካይን መንግስቲ ምስ መራሕተን (ኣውቲስትኣን) ናብ ጋራጅ መንግስቲ ዝበሃል ትካል መንግስቲ ተጠርኒፈን ብምህላወን ሓንቲ ሚኒስትሪ ወይ ኣብ ዞባታት እትርከብ ጨንፈር ንስራሕ መኪና ምስትደልይ ብመልከዕ ክራይ ናብዘን ትካላት’ያ እትጥቀም ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ‘ውን ከምተን ካልኦት ሚኒስትሪታት ደሞዝ ሰራሕተኛታት

(መማህራን)፡ ሱፐርቪዥን፡ ዑደት (ምብጻሕ) ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ፡ ቀረብ መሳለጥያን ንዋት

ትምህርቲ…. ዝኣመሰላ ስራሕ ተካርያ ክተሳልጥ ትፍትን መንግስቲ ነዚ ነዳዲን መቐያየሪ

ኣቁሑት መካይን ንምቁጣብ መስርሕ “ካብ የማናይ ጁባ ኣውጺእካ ናብ ጸጋማይ ጁባ ምእታው” ካብ ዝእወጅ ምስቲ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ፋሕ ምባለን ንሚኒስተሪ ትምህርቲ ስርሑ ከምዝቑጥብ ጌርዎ ይርከብ። ብሰንኪ እዚ’ውን ሱፐርቪዥናዊ ስራሕ ኣብ ዓመት ወይ ኣብ ስሚስተር ሓንሳብ ንኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ከምዝብጻሕ ተጌሩ ኣብታ ሓንቲ ምብጻሕ’ውን መማህራን ተካሪዮም ይምለሱ።

 

ኩነታት ወለዲ (ህዝቢ– Community) ኣብ ትምህርቲ ዘለዎም ኣጠማምታን፡-

 

ብመሰረት ጽሑፋዊ ፖሊሲ ሚኒስተሪ ትምህርቲ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ንዝኾነት ቤት ትምህርቲ ዝለዓለ ኣመሓዳሪኣ ካብ ወላዲ፡ መማህራንን ተምሃሮን እትቐውም ብስም PTA (PTSA) እትጽዋዕ ማሕበር ይኸውን። ብዝሒ ኣባላት እዛ ማሕበር ብደረጃ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ይውሰን። ዝኾነ ሓላፊ ቤት ትምህርቲ’ውን ነዛ ማሕበር ከቅውምን ከደልድልን ከም ቐዳማይ ስርሑ ብምውሳድ ይጽዕር እንተኮነ ግን እዘን ማሕበራት ብጀካ ኣብ ናይ ግሊ/ብሕቲ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ኣብ ካልኦት ህዝቢ ጸማም እዝኒ ሂብዎ ይርከብ ወለዲ ብኩነታት ትምህርቲ ዘይዕጉባት ምዃኖም ዓቢ መርኣያ’ዩ።

ውጽኢት ደቆም ኮነ ኩነታት ትምህርቲ ወለዲ ንምዕዛብ ናብ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ምኻድ ተሪፉ ብፍሉይ ኣጋጣሚታት ጥራይ’ዮም ወለዲ ናብ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ዝበጽሑ ካብዘን ፍሉያት ኣጋጣሚታት ክጥቀሳ ዝግባኣን ኣብ ሙሉእ ሃገር መስርዕን ቅጥዕን ዘይብሉ ግፋ ልሙድ ተርእዩ’ዩ። በዚ ህዝቢ ግፋ ዝብል ስም ዝጽውዑ ግፍዒ ተምሃሮ ምስ ድቪዝኦምን ጥራዞምን፡ ሰራሕተኛታት መንግስቲ ምስ መረጋገጺ ወረቀት ህላወ ኣብ ስራሕ፡ ወተሃራት ምስ መንቐሳቐሲ ወረቐቶምን ፍቓዶምን ዝግፈፍሉን ዝቅየዱሉን እዋናት ኣሎ። ኣብ ከምዚ እዋን ተምሃሮ ደቆም ዝተታሕዙዎም ወለዲ መረጋገጺ ንምርካብ ናብ ደቆም ዝመሃርሉ ቤ/ትምህርቲ ክቐርቡ ስለዘለዎም ናብ ቤ/ትምህርቲ ክኸዱ ይግደዱ። 7

ትካል ዘለዎም ወለዲ ፍቓድ ንግዲ ከሓድሱ ምስ ዝደልዩ ኣብ ዕድመ ክሊ ትምህርቲ ናይ

ዝርከቡ ደቆም ኣብ ትምህርትን ሃገርን ምህላው መረጋገጺ ካብ ቤ/ትምህርቲ ከምጽእ ኣለዎም።

ሓደ ናይ ቅድም ተምሃራይ ዝነበረ ናይ ቀደም ዝተመሃረሉ መረዳእታ ብኣካል ኮነ ብወኪል ክወስድ ምስ ዝደልይ ነዚ ናይ ውልቁ ሃብቲ ዝኾነ መረዳእታ ወረቀት ክረክብ ኣብ ድሌት ካልኦት ሰባት’ዩ ዝውሰን። ካብ ሃገር ወጻኢ ዝነበር እንድሕር ኾይኑ ካብቲ ዝነብረሉ ሃገር ካብ ዝምልከቶ ኣካል 2% ከምዝከፍል፡ ኣብ ሃገር ውሽጢ ንዘለው ዝሰርሕሉ ትካል ወይ ኣሃዱ ንኽወስዱ ከምዝፍቀደ ዝገልጽ ደብዳበ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ዘይተሳተፉ ምስ ዝኾኑ መረዳእታ መክኒት ክቅርቡ ይግባእ እዚ’ውን ቤ/ትምህርቲ ዝነበረት ከይኮነት ቤ/ጽ ዞባ ትውስኖ።

 

ኣርእስቲ፡ ገምጋም ሰራሕ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ዓመተ ትምህርቲ 2008/09

ቦታ ኣኼባ፡ ቤት ምኽሪ ንግዲ (ኣዳራሽ) ኣስመራ፡-

 

ተሳተፍቲ፡ ልዕሊ 150 ተሳተፍቲ ካብ ኩለን ዞባታት ብውሑዱ 15 ሰባት ሓለፍቲ ጨንፈር

ዞባ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ፡ ሓለፍቲ ጨንፈር ንኡስ ዞባ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ፡ ሱፐርቫይዘራት፡ ናይ ዓበይቲ 2ይ ደረጃ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ዳይሪክተራት፡ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዳይሪክተር ጀነራላት 5ተ ክፍልታት ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ፡ ኩሎም ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ከምኡ’ውን ሓለፍቲ ህዝባዊ ርክባት ዞባዊ ምምሕደራት ተረኺቦም። እዚ ኣብ ወርሒ ነሓሰ 14 ክሳብ 17 ዓመተ 2009 ዝተካየደ ኣኼባ ኣነውን ተሳቲፈዮ ኔረ። ኣብዚ ኣኼባ ዝነበረ ኩሉ ፍጻሜታት ብመስርዕ ኩለን ዝተልዓለ ነጥብታት ብደቂቅ ከቕርብ እንተተጸገምኩ’ኳ ነተን ኣገረምቲ ዝነበራ ግን ብተርምሞ ኣብ ሓንጎለይ ከስፍረን ተገዲደ።

ብቐንዱ ኣብ ከምዚ ኣኼባ ንከይትግደስ ዝገብር ኩነታት ኣሎ እግረ መገደይ ንሳቶም’ውን ክገልጾም።

በቲ ዝግበር ኣኼባ ዝጸድቕን ዝረቕቕን መደብ ዘይምህላው፡ ንውዱእ ጉዳያት ምዕዛብ ስለዝኾነ ዓመት ዓመት ዝደጋገምን ዘይዕረን ጸገማት ምስማዕ ስለዘሰልችው ንሓደ ፍታሕ ዘድልዮ ጉዳይ ሚነስተር ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ከይተረፈ ክምልስ ይጽገም ስለትሪኦ ከምሓንጻጽን ኣጽዳቕን ናይ ትምህርቲ ፖሊሲ ኢልካ ትሓስቦ ሰብ “ደሓን ንመንግስቲ ሪፖርት ክንገብር ኢና”፡ “ነዚ ጉዳይ ንዝምልከት ንላዕለዋይ ኣካል ክንሓትት…” ዝብል መልሲ ይህብ።

ኩሉ ተሳታፊ ንኣበልን ሓለፈቲ እንተልዮም’ውን ቁርስን ምሳሕን ስለዝህልው ነዚኤን ጥቕምታት ክብል ኣብ ቦታ ኣኼባ ይርከብ። እዚ ኣብ ኩለን ሚኒስትሪታት ዘሎን ዘሕስብን ዘስደምምን ግን ከኣ እንዳተለምደ ዝመጸ ባህሊ ብምዃኑ ዋላ ካቢኔ ሚኒስተራት’ውን ንኣበል ክብሉ ዝርከቡ’ዩ ዝመስለና።

ዓውደ ዘተ (Work shop) “ወርቂ ጨብ” ዝብል ስም ብተዋዘይቲ ተጠሚቐን ንሓደ ዓውደ ዘተ ካብ ዘቕርብ ሰብ ንላዕሊ ዝፈልጡን፡ ነቲ ዓውደ ዘተ መሃሪ ፍረ ዘለዎን ጠቓምን ክገብሩ ዝኽእሉ ፈላጣትን ክኢላታት እንከለው ብዘረባ ክእለት ወይ’ውን ብጥቕምን ዝምድናን ምስ ሓለፍቲ ርክብ ዘለዎም መደናገርቲ ነገር ክሓማትሉ ዝሓልፍን ዝጠፍኣን ግዜን ገንዘብን የሕዝን። ንክሳተፉ ዝለኣኹ’ውን ካብቲ ዓውደ ዘተ ተማሂሮም ኣብ ግብሪ ዘውዕሉ ወይ ነቲ ዓውደ ዘተ ብሓሳብ ዘህብትሙ ከይኾኑ ጽጉማት ሰለዝኾኑ ሓለፍቶም ስለዝፈትዎም ንኽጥቐሙ (ብገንዘብ) ተባሂሎም ይሳተፉ። ናብቲ ኣኼባ ክምለስ፡ እቲ ኣኼባ ብሚኒስተር ሚንስትሪ ትምህርቲ ኣቶ ሰመረ ርእሶም ተኸፊቱ ናብ ጸብጻብ ምስማዕ ኣትዩ።

ዳይረክተር ጀነራል ክፍለ ሞያዊ ስልጠና (TVET Technical & Vocational Education and Training) እቲ ጸብጻብ ኣብ ክልተ ዝተገምዔ ኔሩ። (ኣብ ሳዋ ዝርከብ ማእከል ሞያዊ ስልጠና ኤርትራ ኣብ ካልእ ቦታታት ዘለዎ ቤት ትምህርቲ ስነ-ኪነት) ንሳዋ ወኪሉ ዘቕርብ ዝነበረ ሰብ ሽሙ ዘይሓዝኩዎ ክጅምር ከሎ ንሳዋ ከም ሓንቲ ዞባ ክትሕሰብ ብበዝሒ ተምሃሮ ከምትዕብልል ብከምኡ’ውን ነታ ቤ/ትምህርቲ ዘለዋ ዓበይቲ ሽግራት ንምፍታሕን ዝገበሮ ጻዕሪ ኣቕሪቡ። ነቲ ኣካዳሚያዊ/ሞያዊ ክፋል ባዕሎም ከምዘማሓድርዎ፡ ኣብ መነባብሮ ተምሃሮን መማህራንን ቁጠባዊ መዳያትን ግን ኮ/ል ኣብርሃም መድህን (ወዲ መድህን) ከምዘመሓድሮ፡ ንመነባብሮን ቁጠባን ካብኡ ሓሊፉ’ውን ሞያዊ ስልጠና ሓለፍቲ መዓስከር ኢዶም ከምዘእትውን፡ ብሓጺሩ ኣገላልጻ “ብቋንቋ እቶም ኮነሬላት ክንዛረብ ንጽገም ኣለና” ኢሉ። ኣስዒቡ’ውን እቲ ካሪክለምን መስርሕን’ውን ንስራሕ ብቁዓት ዝኾኑ ተምሃሮ የፍርይ ከምዘየለ፡ ዋሕዲ መሳርሒ ዓቕሊ ዘጽበበሎም ምኳኑ፡ እቲ ሕሱር መሳርሒ ዝበሃል ንኣብነት መጋዝ ዕንጨይቲ ከማን ሓንቲ ንሸውዓተ ተምሃሮ ከምትበጽሕ፡ ኣብ ዓበይትን ናይ ሕርሻ ማሽነሪ ሰልጢኖም ኢሎም ዘመረቕዎም ተምሃሮ ብሰንኪ ነዳዲ ዘይምህላው ተንቐሳቐሲት ማሽን ተንኪፎም ዘይፈልጡ ከምዝኾኑን… ካልእን ዘርዚሩ። ኣብ መማህራን’ውን ብቕዓት ከምዘየሎ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኣብኡ ዝወድኡ ከምዝተመደቡ፡ (ብናቱ ኣገላልጻ “12 ዝወድኡ ን12 ክፍሊ ይምህሩ

ኣለው” ኢሉ)። ብሓቂ ንብዙሓት ጸባ ኣስቲዩና። ናቱ ጸብጻብ ምስተወድኤ ዓበይቲ ሓለፍቲ ግን ተኸኽ ከምዝበሉ ኣየጠራጥርን። ኣብ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ 3ይ ዓመቶም ዝገበሩ ኣቶ ሰመረ ርእሶም ክሳብ ሕጂ ንነብሶም ሓዱሽ ስለዝቆጽርዋ ኣብ ዝኾነ ግዜ ንዕኦም ዝውክል ብሓራቕ መልሱን ብተሪር ዘረብኡን ዝፍለጥ ኣቶ ጴጥሮስ ሃ/ማርያም ዳይሪክተር ጀነራል ክፍሊ መጽናዕትን ምምዕባል ዓቕሚ ሰብ (Research & Human Resource Development) እዩ። ኣብ ማእከል ዘረባ’ውን ከዕጠይጥይ ጸኒሑ ምስተወድኤ’ውን ማይክራፎን ከይተጸበየ’ዩ ጀሚሩ። ጥቃ ሚኒስተር ኣብ ቅድሚት’ዩ ኮፍ ኢሉ። ካብ ተዓዘብቲ ኣብ ኣኼባታት ከም ተቓውሞ ዝተለምደ ሓደ ሰብ ቕጭ ዘምጽእ ወይ ድምጺ መንግስቲ ክፍተው ክዛረብ እንተጀሚሩ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኣዳራሽ ዘሎ ሰብ ተሳታፊ ነንሕድሕዱ ሚስ ኮል (missed Call) ይጅምር።

ኣቶ ጴጥሮስ’ውን ክቓወም ምስጀመረ ሞባይላት ከም ኣመለን ክርብሻ ጀሚረን። ማይክራፎን Wireless ብምኳኑ ክንሰምዕ ኣይንክእልን ኣትሪሩ ግን “ንስራሕ ድልዋት ዘይኾኑ ተምሃሮ ኢና ነመርቕ ዘለና” እትብል ዘረባ ረጊጹ ሓውሲ ምፍርራሕ ዘለዎ ዘይምስምማዕ ኣስሚዑ። ቐጺሉ’ውን “ሕጂ ብዝሒ (Quantity) ዝጠመተ ንቐጻሊ ግን ብቕዓት (Quality) ዝጠመተ ስራሕ ክንሰርሕ ይግባእ” ኢሉ።

ብካሊእ ወገን’ውን ኣብ ሳዋ ኣካዳሚያዊ ትምህርቲ (ን12 ክፍሊ) ዳይሪክተር ኣቶ ክፍላይ ፍርሒ ዝተሓወሶ ደገፍ ንኣቕራቢ ጸብጻብ ሂቡ። ኣብ ምሕደራ ቤ/ትምህርቶም ሳዋ ወታሃደራዊ ምትእትታው ከምዘሎ ግን ይመሓየሽ ከምዘሎ ገሊጹ። ኣቶ ክፍላይ ብዙሕ ጊዜ ድፍር ኢሉ ብዘቕርቦ ኣብ ሓቂ ዝተመርኮሰ ጸብጻብ’ዩ ዝፈልጦ ኔረ ማለት

ቅድሚ ዓመት ኣቢሉ ኣብ ሳዋ ዝተገበረ ናይ 2ይ ደረጃ ዳይሪክተራት ኣኼባ መመረቕታ’ውን ስለዝነበረ ዳርጋ ኩሎም ካቢኔታት ኣብ መኽፈቲ’ውን ፕረዚደንት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ኔሮም “ክሳብ ሕጂ እዛ ስዓት 67 መማህራን ንሱዳን ከይዶም፡ ተምሃሮ’ውን ብዙሓት ካብ ሳዋ ይጠፍኡ ኣለው” ኢሉ ተዛረቡ ድሕሪ ሳልስቲ’ውን “ቅድሚ ትማሊ ክሳብ እዛ ስዓት 67 ዝበልኩ ሎሚ 71 በጺሖም” ኣIሉ ከምኡ ሓቃዊ ጸብጻብ ሰለዘይለመድና ኣድኒቐዮ ኔረ።

ኣብ ጸብጻብ ካልኦት ሞያውያን ኣሰልጠንቲ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ’ውን እተን ሽግራት ብወኪለን ቐሪቡ። ድሕሪ ምቕያር ኣቶ ዑስማን ሳልሕ ኣብ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ዝተቐልቐለ ሓዱሽ ነገር ሽግራት ብዘይሽፍንፍን ምቕራብ’ዩ። “ምስ ኩለን ሃገራት ስለዝተበኣሰና ስራሕ ኣብ ዘይብሉ መዲቡዎ ሰብኣይ ቦታ ረኪብሉ” እዩ ተባሂሉ ኣቶ ዑስማን ሳልሕ ሕመቃቱን ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሚኒስተር ምስኮነ ብተዋዘይቲ ዝተዋህቦ ገምጋም።

ኣብ ሞያዊ ስልጠና ሳዋ ዝምደቡ ተምሃሮ እቶም ኣብ 12 ክፍሊ ማትሪክ ንሰርቲፊኬት ነጥቢ ዘምጽኡ’ዮም። ኣብ ሳዋ 12 ክፍሊ ዝተምሃሩ ድሕሪ ማትሪክ ወርሒ ዓሪፎም ነጥቢ ምስወጸ ንዲግሪን ዲፕሎማን ናብ ኮሌጃት ዝተረፉ ናብ ሰራዊት፡ ሰርቲፊኬት ዘምጽኡ መሰልጠኒ መማህራን፡ ኣጋር ሓኪም፡ ኮሌጅ ሕርሻ፡ ይምደቡ። ኣብ ሞያ ዝምደቡ ግን እታ ዓመት ኣብ ሳዋ ስለዝመሃርዋ ጌሮም ዝጸልእዋ። ብዝኾነ ፈትዮም ጸሊኦም ይጸንሑ ቅድሚ 2ተ ዓመት ኣኺሉ ካብቲ ቦታ ምውጽኦም ኣብ ሳዋ ኮይኖም ብድፍረት ንሱዳን መውጽእን መእተውን ኣጽኒዖም ንሱዳን የንቆልቁሉ።

ኣብዚ ሕጂ እዋን ሳዋ ኣፍደገ ሱዳን ዝብል ሽም ተዋሂባ ቅድም 11 ክፍሊ ዝወድኡ ናብ ሳዋ ክነብጽሕ ክንእዘዝ ከለና ተምሃሮ ከይተርፉና ኢና ንቆጻጸር ኔርና። ኣብዘን

ዝሓለፋ ሰለስተ ዓመት ግን ምስ ተምሃሮ ተሓዋዊሶም ንሳዋ ዝወርዱ ካብ ታሕተዎት ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ወይ ዘይመሃሩ መንእሰያት ኣስገርትን ሰገርትን ተሓዊሶም ስለዝወርዱ ስቕያት’ዩ ኾይኑ። ኣብ ሎሚ ዓመት’ውን እቲ መዓስከር ከይተረፈ ፈሊጥዎ ኣብ ከባቢ 60 ኪ/ሜትር ዝጅምር ብርቱዕ ቁጽጽር ተካይዱ። ኣብ ጥሪ ካብ ሳዋ ዝለኣኽ ኣስማት 11 ክፍሊ ተምሃሮ ሒዞም’ዮም ኣብ ነሓሰ ንዝመጹ ተምሃሮ ተጸብዮምዎም ከም ውጽኢት’ውን ብዙሓት መንእሰያት’ዮም ተረኪቦም።

ኣብ ጸብጻብ ዳይሪክተር ጀነራል ንዓበይትን መራኸቢታትን (Adult Education & Media

Department) ሽሙ ኣይተሓዘለይን’ዩ ግን “ኣቻ” ትብል ሳጓ ኣላቶ ካብዚ ክፍሊ ጸብጻብ ኣይተጸበናን ምኽንያቱ ዘይተቓልሐ “ሬድዮ ባና” እንኮ ናይ ትምህርቲ ሬድዮ ኣብታ ሃገር ሓደ ረፍዲ ብታንክታትን ሰራዊትን ተኸቢባ ኣብኡ ዝጸንሐ ኩሉ’ዩ ተቐይዱ ኔሩ። ዓመት ይገብር ዋና እቲ ዳይሪክተር ጀነራል’ውን ተኣሲሩ ጸኒሑ ደሓር’ዩ ተፈቲሑ ክሳብ ሎሚ’ውን ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ሬድዮ ትምህርቲ ተቋሪጹ’ዩ ዘሎ። ምሸታዊ ትምህርቲ’ውን ኣብ ኣስመራ ካብ 5ተ ዘይበልጻ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ’የን ዘለዋ። ዕድመ ንእስነቶም ኣብ ገድሊ ዝሓለፎም ተጋደልቲ ብሰንኪ ዝተፈላለየ ጸገም ትምህርቲ ዘቋረጹ/ጻ ዓበይቲ ኩሉ ናይ ትምህርቲ ጽምእ ዘለዎ ኤርትራዊ እንዳሰርሐ ንኸይመሃር መንግስቲ በታ ግፋ ዝብላ ግፍዒ ኣሰናቢዱ ደው ከምትብል ካብ ዝገብር 6ተ/7ተ ዓመት ተቆጺሩ።

ብኣቶ ሙሳ ናይብ ጀነራል ዳይሪክተር ክፍሊ ሓፈሻዊ ትምህርቲ (General Education

Department) እቲ ቀንድን ሕመረት ትምህርቲ ዝቆጻጸር ኣካል ብምዃኑ ብዙሕ ዘይተዓመ

ስራሕ ቀንዲ ተወቃሲ ስርዓተ ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ ዝኾነ ኣካል/ክፍሊ መጀመርያ መድረኽ

ተዋህቡ ብዕሙቆት ክትንትን ትጽቢት ኩላትና ኔሩ። መራሒ መድረኽ ግን ንምቕራብ 30 ደቂቅ ንሕቶ፡ ሪኢቶ መልሲ ርብዕIኢ ስዓት ኢሉ ዝዓገቶ ጸብጻብ ሰሚዕና። ኣቶ ሙሳ’ውን ዋዛ ኣይኮነን ካብ ኩሎም ዝሓሸ ሰብ ኣብ ኣዘራርባ’ውን ናይ ምእማን ክእለቱ ክውደስ ዝግብኦ’ዩ፡ በዚ ብክእለቱን ዝተዋሃቦ ሓጺር ጊዜ ተጠቂሙ ነቲ ክነጉድ ዝኽእል ሕቶታት ባዕሉ እንዳተንከፈ ተገላጊሉ። ን7ተ ዓመት መመላእታ ብዘይ መምሃሪ መጻሕፍቲ ዝመሃሩ ዘለው ተምሃሮ ኤርትራ ዘለዎም ጸገም ቀሊል ከምዘይኮነ ኣብ ገለ ደረጃ ትምህርትን ዓይነት ትምህርቲ ዓማ መጻሕፍቲ ንፈተነ ተሓቲሙ ከምዝተዘርገሐ እቲ ካልE’ውን ንሕትመት ከምዝኣተወ ኣሕተምቲ ዘማርሩሉ

ክብሪ ወረቐትን ሕትመትን ተገሊጹ። ኣብ ተምሃራይ ዘማእከለ ኣገባብ ኣመሃህራ ዘሎ ዓቢ ሃጓፍ፡ ንዋት ትምህርቲ ኣብ ምዝርጋሕን ኣብ ግቡእ ቦታ ምብጻሕ ቀንዲ ተሓታቲ ዞባታት ምዃነን (ኣብዚ ዘስሕቕ ፈጻሜታት ከይተረፈ ተገሊጹ፡ ኣብ መባእታ ደረጃ ዝርከቡ ተምሃሮ ብኣዶ ቋንቋ’ዮም ዝመሃሩ። ኣብ መባእታ ከይተረፈ መምሃሪ መጻሕፍቲ ኣብዘን ክልተ ዓመት’ዩ ክዝርጋሕ ጀሚሩ። ኣብ ዝርግሐ መጻሕፍቲ ናይ ሓደ ብሄር መጻሕፍቲ ብጌጋ ናብ ካልእ ቦታ ከይዱስ ተመሊሱ ክሳብ ቦትኡ ዝበጽሕ ዓመት ዝገበረሉ ኩነታት ኔሩ) ኣብ ኣገማግማ ተምሃሮ ዘሎ ጸገምን ሓዱሽ ኣገማግማ ስርዓት ከምዝተሓንጸጸን ክተኣታተው ምዃኑን፡ እዚ ኣብ መወዳእታ ጊዜ ተዋህብዎ ብሓደ ገዲም ናይ ቁጽሪ መምህር ዝነበረ ኣብ ዓይነት ትምህርቲ ቁጽሪ ኣብ ጊዜ ደርጊ ከይተረፈ ዓቢ ኣበርክቶ ዝነበሮ ሕጂ ግን ኣብ ክፍሊ ግምገማ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ ኣቶ ዳዊት ኣብርሃ ቐሪቡ። ዓቢ ስራሕ ግን ክትሓስቦን ክትሕንጽጾን መማህራንካን ዓይነቶምን ምፍላጥ ኣብ ግምት ምእታው ዝጎደሎ ስራሕ/ሕንጻጽ ኔሩ።

ጸገም ምዕሩይ ዝርገሐ ትምህርቲ (ካብተን ኣብ ሃገር ሙሉእ ዘለዋ 2ይ ደረጃ ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ቤተ ፈተነ ዘለዎን ብቁዕ ዝበሃል ኣርባዕተ ምዃነን ኤሌክትሪክ ኣብ ዘይብሉ ቦታታት ዘለዋ 2ይ ደረጃ ቤ/ትምህርትታት ዘለወን ጸገምን) መማህራን ዘይተማልኣለን ቤት ትምህርትታት ምዃነን። እቲ ሽግራት ብኣቅራቢ ጸብጻብ ስለዝቐረበ’ውን በዳህቲ ሕቶታት ኣይተላዕለን።

ብኣቶ ጴጥሮስ ሃይለማርያም ደይሪክተር ጀነራል ክፍሊ መጽናኦትን ምምዕባል ዓቅሚ ሰብን ብዙሕ ስሓቢ ዘይኮነ ጸብጻብ ቀሪቡ። ምጅማር ተልእኾ ትምህርትን ቀጻልነቱን ዝሕመረቱ ዘጉህይን ዘሕዝንን ረቋሒ ንንድል ትምህርቲ ይወሃቡ ኣባለት’ውን ተገሊጹ።

ብኣቶ ገብረሃንስ ዳይሪክተር ጀነራል ክፍሊ ምምሕዳርን ፋይናንስን እዚ ክፍሊ ብዘለዎ ተነቃፊ ስራሕ ልዕሊ ዝኾነት ክፍሊ ጥማራትን ከክንዲግዛዕ ዝኾኑ ጸገማት ዝተሰኸመ’ዩ።

ንኣቐራርብኡ’ውን ሕፍረት ዘሰኸመ ኔሩ። ኣቶ ገብረሃንስ ብዙሕ ኣሃዛት ብሽም ወጻኢን ባጀትን ሃሊሉ። ኣብ ሱዳን ብሽም ቤ/ትምህርቲ ሰውራ ንዝፍለጣ ትካላት ትምህርቲ ልዕሊ ሓደ ሚልዮን ናቕፋ ብሽም ሓደ ሸኽ ይለኣኽ ከምዝነበረ፡ እዚ ሸኽ ኣብ ዝሓለፉ ሰለስተ ዓመታት ንህይወቱ ዘስግእ ብምዃኑ ናብ ኤርትራ ስለዝኣተወ እቲ ወጻኢ ዝግበር ሰልዲ እቶም ሸኽ ናብ ከሰላ ከይዶም ንሓደ መንግስቲ ዘይፈልጦ ሰብ ከምዝህብዎ እቲ ሰብ ነተን ቤ/ትምህርታት ከምዘብጽሕ ገሊጹ። እንተኾነ ግን ምእኩል ስለዘይኾነ ንምቁጽጻር ከምዝጽገሙን ሕጂ ብዝበጽሖም ሓበሬታ መሰረት ነተን ኣብያተ ትምህርቲ ተቓወምቲ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዝኾኑ ጉጅለታት ከምዝንቀሳቀሰለንን ከምዝጥቀምለንን ንሳቶም’ውን ብሓላፍነት (ብሕልፊ ኣቶ ገብረሃንስ) ከምዘይሕተቱ መስሓቂ ዝኾነ ዘረባ ደርጉሑ ክቕጽል ኣይኸኣለን። ኩሉ ተሳታፊ ብተገርሞ ሆ ኢሉ ምዝራብ ከልኦ “ኣምባሳደር ዘለዋ ሃገር፡ ማሕበረ ኮማት ዘለውዎ ቦታ ብሓደ ሸኽ… ውልቀ ሰብ እንታይ ተስምዓና ኣለካ?” ዝብል ቀረበ። ጫውጫው ምስ በዝሐ ዋላ ሓንቲ ቃል ከይተዛረበ ዝወዓለ ሚኒስተር ኣቶ ሰመረ ርእሶም ንጽር ኢሉ ዓው ብዝበለ ድምጺ “ዝምልከተና ኩላትና የሕትተና’ዩ መጽናዕቲ’ውን ክንገብር ኢና” ኢሉ መዕረፊ ገበረሉ። ብዛዕባ ውዱእ መምርሒ ጥሮታ ብዘይምህውላን ኣብ ዘልዓሎ ነጥቢ’ውን ካልእ ውርደት ነበረ።

ብእርጋንን ብሕማምን ኣብ ምዱብ ስርሖም ክነጥፉ ዘይክኣሉ ልዕሊ 700 ኣባላት ሚኒስትሪ

ትምህርቲ ብዘይ ስራሕ ብኾፎም ካብ ዓመት ንላዕሊ ደሞዝ ከምተኸፈሎምን ከምኡ ዓይነት ጸገም ዘለዎም ይውስኩ ከምዘለው ገሊጹ። እዚ’ውን ኣብ መወዳእታ ሕቶታት ዘልዓለ’ዩ ኔሩ።

ብመሰረት ኣዋጅ ሕጊ መልዕሎን ጥሮታን ኩሉ ኣብ ሃገር ዘሎ ሰራሕተኛ መንግስቲ ካብ ወርሓዊ ደመዎዙ ዝቁረጾ እንተኾነ’ውን ኣብ መስርሕ ግን ብዛዕባ’ቲ ዝኸፈሎ መሰል ጥሮታ ጌና ኣይተተግበረን። ብሕልፊ ኣብ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ’ውን ተላዒሉ ኔሩ ክሳብ ናይ ኣቶ ሃይለ መብራህቱ ጉዳይ ካብቶም ዓበይቲ ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ ሓደ ዝነበረን ኣብ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ’ውን ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ጽፍሒ ነቲ ሚኒስትሪ ዘገልገለ ኣብ 2008 ብሓደጋ መኪና ዝሞተ ሓለፊ ጨንፈር ትምህርቲ ዞባ ዓንሰባ ክሳብ’ቲ ኣኼባ ዝተገበረሉ እዋን ወርሒ ነሓሰ 2009 ንልዕሊ 8 ወርሒ ሙሉእ ንስድራ ቤቱ ዋላ ሓንቲ ደገፍ ከምዘይረኸቡ ሓደ ፈላጢኡ ኣልዒሉ።

ካልኦት’ውን ንኣብነት ኣብ ዞባ ሰ/ቀ/ባሕሪ ኣብ ሰራሕ ከለው መብዛሕትኡ ግዜ ብፍላይ ደመዎዝ ከፈልቲ ብተቓወምቲ ጉጅለ ጀሃድ ሓደጋ ወሪድዎም ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ግዜ ኣብ 11 ዓመት 10 መራሕቲ መኪና ኣባላት እዚ ሚኒስትሪ ተቐቲሎም’ዮም። ይኹን’ምበር ክሳብ ሕጂ በዚ ሚኒስተሪ ዝተገበረ ድጋፍ የለን። ብተመሳሳሊ ብሕማም ንዝሞቱ’ውን ቀሪቡ ኣብ ዝቕጽል ክልተ ወርሒ ውሽጢ ድጋፍ ክግበር ብዝብል ልሙድ መህደሚ ሓሳብ’ዮም ካብቲ ኣኼባ ሃዲሞም።

ብዛዕባ ዝጣየሳ ደ/ኣንስትዮ መማህራን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዋላ ኣብ ሚኒስትሪታት ዝሰርሕ ሰራሕተኛ ብዓይኒ ውትህድርና’ዩ ዝጥመት። ኣብ ዕድመ ክሊ ሃ/ኣገልግሎት ዘሎ ጾታ ብዘየገድስ ሃ/ኣገልግሎት ወዲኡ ደመዎዝ ዝወስድ’ውን ብፍቃዱ ሰራሕ ከቋርጽ ስራሕ ክቕይርወይ’ውን ናይ ውልቀ ትካል ክኸፍት ዘይፍቐድን “ኮብሊሉ” ዝብል ሽም ወይ ቃል ለጊብዎ ተዳላይ (Wanted) ሊስት’ዩ ዝኣቱ። ቅድሚ ዓመት ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ግን ቃል-ኪዳን ዘለወን (ምርዕዋት) ወይ’ውን ውላድ ዘለወን ደ/ኣንስተዮ ሰራሕ ከቋርጻ እንተደሊየን ክፍቐደለን ዝብል ሕጊ ወጺኡ ኣብ ኩለን ሚኒስትሪታት ይስርሓሉ ኣሎ። እንተኾነ ግን ኣብ ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ሓንጻጺ ባዕሎም ኣቶ ገብረሃንስ ከይኾኑ ኣይተርፉን እተን ዓበይቲ ነቲ ሚኒስትሪ ብዙሕ ብዓይኒ ጾታ ተራእዩ’ውን ክድገፍ ዝግበኣን እንተለዋስ “ልዕሊ 14 ዙርያ ንዘለዋ ጥራይ ምስዝሓታ ይፋነዋ” ተባሂሉ። እዚ ብሓቂ ዓቢ ሓላፍነት ተዋሂቡ ሚኒስትሪ ዝኣክል ከማሓድር ቦታ ዝተውሃቦ ናይ

መባእታ ደረጃ ሞኒተራት ክፍሊ ዘይፍጽምዎ ጌጋ ክሓስብ ካልእ ምኽንያት እንተዘይሃልዩዎ ዝገርም’ዩ። መብዛሕትኤን ቅድሚ 14 ዙርያ ዝነበራ ደ/ኣነስትዮ ብዙሕ ከርተት ዝበላ ክሳብ ኣብ ሰራዊት ዝገልገላ ብዕድመ’ውን ንጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኣብ ዝከብድ ዕድመ (ልዕሊ 35 ዓመት) እየን።

እቲ ምኽንያት ዋሕዲ መማህራን ስለዘሎ እንተኾይኑ’ውን ቀዳምነት ይግበኣን ብዓይኒ ብቕዓት እንተኾይኑ’ውን ንምምህርና ኮነ ብደረጃ ትምህርቲ ዝለዓለ ተሞኩሮ ዘለወን ኣብተን ልዕሊ 14 ዙርያ’የን። ከምቲ ግቡእ ከም ካልኦት ሚኒስትሪታት ኣሓት ኤ ንተዝፈቀድ ቐዳምነት እንተኾይኑ ግን ዝተበደላ ከለዋስ ዘይርደእ መስርሕ’ዩ። እዚ’ውን ብዙሕ ተቓውሞ ኣልዒሉ ብጀካ ሓንቲ ኣብ ኣስመራ ኣብ ጽቡቕ ቦታ ካብ ዝግባኣ ንላዕሊ ኩርሲ ዝሓዘት ተጋዳሊት ጓል ኣንስተይቲ “ማዕርነት” ዝሕመረቱ ተራ ዘረባ ዘስምዓት “ከም ኣሕዋተን ኣብ ዝተመደብኦ ቦታ ክሰርሓ ኣለወን” ዝብል ተዛሪባ።

ድሕሪ’ዚ ዝቐረበ ጸብጻብ ዞባታት’ዩ ኔሩ። ብኩለን ዞባታት ዝቐረበ ጸብጻብ ግን እቲ ልሙድ ቁጽሪ ትምህርቲ ክንድዚ ሚእታዊት ወሲኩ፡ ተሳታፍነት ደ/ኣንስተዮ ብክንድዚ ወሲኹ’ዚ ምሕላፍ ብክንድዚ ወሲኩ፡ ዝተረፉን ዘቋረጹን ተምሃሮ ብኽነት ክፍለ ግዜ ብክንድዚ ሚእታዊ ነክዩ ወዘተ ዝብል’ዩ ኔሩ። ንብዙሓት ተሳተፍቲ ኢቲ ኣኼባ ኣድህቦና ዝስሓበ ግን ፍሉይን ቕኑኦኡን ክበሃል ዘለዎ ጸገማት ዘቕረበ ሓላፊ ጨንፈር ትምህርቲ ዞባ ደቡብ ኣቶ ቃልኣብ’ዩ ኔሩ። ካብተን ዝጠቀሰን ሽግራት ህድማ ተምሃሮን መማህራንን ብመገዲ ስግረ ዶብ ንኣብነት ካብ ንኡስ ዞባ ሰንዓፈ ጥራይ 335 ተምሃሮ፡ 130 መማህራን ንኢትዮጵያ ከምዝኸዱ ገሊጹ።

ኣብዚ ንሚኒስተር ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ወኪሉ መልስን ተቓውሞን ዘቕረበ ኣቶ ጴጥሮስ ነቲ ጸብጻብ ተቃዊሙ ዘስመዖ ቃል ኩነታት ኤርትራ ናብዚ እዋን ዘንጸባርቅ ኔሩ።- ኣቶ ጴጥሮስ “እዚ እዋናዊ ጸገም’ዩ ከመይ ብዓቕሊ ንሰግሮ ክበሃል ይግባእ ብዓቢኡ’ውን መማህራን ወይ ተምሃሮ ከም ፍሉያት ወሲድና ኣይነጋንን። ካብ ማእከል ከተማ መንግሰቲ ኣሚንሎም ኣብ ደረጃ ሓላፍነት ኮፍ ዘበሎም ከይተረፉ ብናይ መንግስቲ መካይን ቤ/ጽ ዓዓጽዮም ክሃድሙ ምሽ ንርእይ ኣለና” ኢሉ ነቲ ጸብጻብ ብመልክዕ ንምንሻው ነቲ ኩነታት ግን ከይተፈለጦ ብዝያዳ ገሊጽዎ።

ኣብ ኤርትራ መዋእለ ህጻናት ብክልተ ምሕደራ ዓይነት ምሕደራ’የን ዝነጥፋ ብማሕበረሰብ (ኮሚዩኒቲ) መማህራን‘ውን ብመንግሰቲ ዝመሓደራ መንግስቲ ደመዎዝ ይኸፍሎ፡ ብኮሚዩኒቲ ዝመሓደር ደመዎዝ ህዝቢ ይኸፍሎ። ኣብ መላእ ሃገር ዝርከባ ብኮሚኒቲ ዝመሓደራ መዋእለ ህጻናት ክሳብ ናይ ሓደ ዓመት ደመዎዝ ዘይተኸፈሉ መማህራን ኣለው። ነዚ ኩነታት ሓላፊ ጨንፈር ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ዞባ ደቡብ ጥራይ ኣብ ጸብጻቡ ገሊጽዎ ብደረጃ ዞባ ዝግበር ፍታሕ ስለዘየሎ’ውን ንዓመታ ክዓጽውወን ከምዝኾኑ ገሊጹ።

እዚ ሕቶ ንምምሕዳርን ፋይናንስን ስለዝምልከት ኣቶ ገብረሃንስ’ዩ ክምልሶ ፈቲኑ። ናይ ዞባ ደቡብ ጸገም ጥራይ ከምዘይኾነ ዋላ ዞባ ማእከል (ኣስመራ) ከማን ከምኡ ጸገም ከምዘሎ ንምፍትሑ ክሳብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ፕረዝደንትን ሚኒስትሪ ፋይናንስን ከምዝበጽሑ እቲ ፍታሕ’ውን ናይ ዝሓለፎም 13 ኣዋርሕ በጀት ከምዘይተፈቐደ ናይ ሓደ ዓመት ግን ተፈቂዱ ከምዘሎን ንዝመጽእ ወርሒ ከምዝኽፈሉ ገሊጹ ፍታሕ እንተተገይሩ ከማን ዘስደምም’ዩ።

ትምህርቲ ንዓበይቲ ሓደሽቲ መማህራን፡ ነባራት መማህራን ምስግጋር ደመዎዝ ብጌጋ ትሑት ደሞዝ (ካብ ዝግበኦም ንታሕቲ) ዝወስዱ መማህራን ምትዕርራይ ደሞዝ ኣዝዩ ከምዝደንጎየ ተስፋ ዝጸንቀቁ ስራሕ ይገድፉ ከምዘለውን’ውን ገሊጹ። ሕጂ’ውን ንኣቶ ገብረሃንስ ስለዝምልከት እቲ ልሙድ “ኣብ ዝሓጸረ ጊዜ ክተዓራረይ’ዩ” ዝብል ተስፋ ተዋሂቡ። ነዘን ልሙዳትን ዘይትግበር መጽብዓን ተስፋን ዝሰልቸዎም ኣባላት ምክልካል ዘውጽእዎ ጆክ (ዳእላ) ብጣዕሚ ትገልጾ’ያ።

“ሓደ ኤርትራዊ ምራኽ ገዚኦም ዘብልዕዎ ዘይብሎም ምራኽ ብሓደ ወገን ጸባ ጡብ ኣዲኡ ኣይጸገበን። ንሱ ይዝክር ብጥሜት ሕርር ኢሉ ክደሃይ ይውዕል። ዘብልዖ ዘይብሉ ዋና ከኣ ዓቕሉ ጸቢብዎ ንጉሆ ይትስእ’ሞ “ጥሜት ሞይትካ ምሽ ምራኸይ ምሽክናይ ኣጆካ ምሸት ቀጠልያ ሳዕሪ” ንጽባሕትኡ “ጸባ ላም ብሰንኬሎ” ድሕሪኡ “ሓዱሽ ናይ ግራት ቃንጫ… እንዳበለ ብተስፋ ሰለይ ከብሎ ቐንዩ ኣብ መወዳእታ ግን ሓመድ እንዳለሓሰ ዝቐነየ ምራኽ ጠጠው ምባል ከማን ስኢኑ ዋንኡ’ውን ሓረዶ። ሙሉእ ነብሱ ዓጽሚ ጥራይ ኾይኑ እታ ተስፋ ትሰምዕ ዝነበረት እዝኒ ግን ንበይና ሰቢሓ ተረኸበት”። ድሕሪ’ዚ ዝረብሕ ዝቐረበ ጸብጻብ ኣይነበረን።

 

ካብ ሽመይ ክጠቕስ ዘይደለኹ ኣባል ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ/ኣስመራ

09/11/2009

ወደሓንኩ!

November 19, 2009

Move at UN to sanction Eritrea over Somalia links

Filed under: News — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 7:38 pm
19 Nov 2009 18:52:21 GMT

Source: Reuters

* Steps include arms embargo, asset freezes, travel bans

 

* Russia, China will have problems with draft – diplomats

 

By Louis Charbonneau

 

UNITED NATIONS, Nov 19 (Reuters) – A draft U.N. Security Council resolution calls for an arms embargo against Eritrea and travel bans and asset freezes for members of its government and military for aiding Islamist insurgents in Somalia.

 

The resolution, obtained by Reuters on Thursday, was drafted by temporary Security Council member Uganda and has been circulated to other members of the 15-nation panel, U.N. diplomats said.

 

The United States and other council members accuse Eritrea of supplying al Shabaab rebels with money and weapons as they fight to topple the fragile U.N.-backed transitional government of Somali President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, the official leader of the virtually lawless Horn of Africa nation.

 

The fighting in Somalia has killed nearly 19,000 civilians since the start of 2007 and driven 1.5 million from their homes.

 

Among the measures called for in the draft is a ban on all sales to Asmara of “weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary equipment, and spare parts.”

 

The draft also calls for a ban on providing Eritrea with “technical assistance, training, financial and other assistance, related to the military activities.”

 

The Security Council, African Union (AU) and United States have all warned Asmara against destabilizing Somalia. Eritrea denies supporting al Shabaab and has said that the threat of U.N. sanctions is of “no concern at all.”

 

A U.N. arms monitoring body — which was set up to record violations of a 1992 arms embargo on Somalia — has said Asmara was sending plane- and boatloads of munitions to Somali rebels, as well as providing them with logistical support.

 

It was not clear when the council would vote on the resolution. Diplomats said it would need to be revised if it was to avoid a veto from China and Russia, which dislike sanctions in general.

 

The resolution would authorize U.N. member states to inspect “all cargo to and from Somalia and Eritrea” via land and sea if there were grounds to suspect that the cargo included banned items.

 

It would also impose a travel ban and freeze the assets of the “Eritrean political and military leadership” and other Eritrean individuals and firms suspected of supporting the hard-line Islamist rebels.

 

Somalia has been mired in chaos for nearly two decades and there is little sign the latest attempt to establish central government is proving any more successful than the 14 previous efforts since a dictator was ousted in 1991. (Editing by David Storey

November 14, 2009

Constructive debate on disheartening Eritrea-report

Filed under: Report — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 11:07 am
Constructive debate on disheartening Eritrea-report
Monday, 26 October 2009
rapportlansering_web_205.jpgThe premises were filled to the brim when the Oslo Center released its report on the human rights situation in Eritrea. “The overwhelming human rights abuses, as this report documents, must be an eye-opener for the international community. It has not been enough attention from the outside world on Eritrea’s tragic situation, but the turnout today indicates that the interest is greater than expected”, Kjell Magne Bondevik, the President of the Oslo Center, said in his opening adress.

The Seminar started with Professor Kjetil Tronvoll, the author of the report “The Lasting Struggle for Freedom in Eritrea”, accounting for the main conclusions in the report. Thereafter, the other panelists Alf-Åge Hansen (the Oslo Center), Nils Jacob Harbitz (Human Rights House Foundation) and Axel Borchgrevink (NUPI) shared their views of what to do with the dreadful human rights situation in Eritrea.

Disheartening

“To understand the situation in Eritrea today, the historical and contextual relationships must be explored. The report is thus far broader in its focus than other human rights reports, said Kjetil Tronvoll.
kjetil_tronvoll_250.jpg
With a starting point in Eritrea’s own commitments towards its legal system, Tronvoll accounted for the government’s involvement in the legal system, the obliterating of the civil society, the lack of democratic processes, torture, extrajudicial sentencing as well as marginalization of minorities in Eritrea.

“Their laws have no significance as long as they are not practiced by the government. The report is disheartening on all points”, concluded Tronvoll.

A need for increased knowledge
Special Advisor Alf-Åge Hansen at the Oslo Center underlined that the report is created in an attempt to influence both the country itself and central international actors.

“We must put Eritrea on the international agenda, we must improve our own knowledge of Eritrea, and we must become more conscious of what consequences Western countries’ polialf-ge_hansen_250.jpgcies have on the Horn of Africa. We must complement the strong anti-terror-focus we have used to analyze the Horn of Africa, and create a more nuanced debate in which human rights is given more attention”, Hansen said.

“At the same time, we want an increased attention towards the region as a whole. One has to understand the close links between the countries on the Horn of Africa. A knowledge based and  regional perspective must be combined with a constructive and critical dialogue. Eritrea must come out of its isolation if the situation is to improve”, said Hansen.

Laborious efforts needed
Nils Jacob Harbitz from the Human Rights House Foundation brought up several possible alternatives to contribute to a positive change in Eritrea. Especially is the Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review central. Eritrea is reviewed by the Council in November. The next opportunity will not be for another four years. 
nils_jacob_harbiz_250.jpg
“This is a new consultative mechanism which can potentially contribute. Many international actors and the entire UN-system will pay attention. This is one arena where the Oslo Center can contribute with a lot of information to the central actors”, Harbitz said.

Harbitz also emphasized the value of commitment and patience.

“We must raise these matters carefully as well as working systematically, intensively and not backing out. Backing out will only result in a lack of trust with the local human rights workers”, he said.

Alone against the world
Axel Borchgrevink from NUPI concluded the panel discussion by accounting for how Eritrea’s history affects the Western countries’ involvement in the country.

“The feeling of being alone against the world is dominant in Eritrea. The poor treatment by other states as well as the UN in the 50s, and their own liberation war has created a strong belief that they can do things by themselves and a general skepticism to external help”, said Borchgrevink.

He finished off by underlining the importance of the Diaspora.

“In the context of such a revealing report, diplomatic efforts may seem like a waste of time. But the regime will not last forever, and the regime is starting to loose control over the Diaspora”, he said.

Enthusiastic debate
The following debate showed how the Eritreans in exile had different opinions concerning the current situation in Eritrea and the where to go. At the same time, different questions and comments contributed to several relevant approaches to the problems discussed. Amongst others was cooperation with African universities highlighted as a possible way to further promote human rights.

The documentary A Nation Held Hostage, produced in collaboration with the Oslo Center, the Strømme Foundation, Gimlekollen School of Journalism and Communication and Camerapix, gave a visual and clear picture of the situation in Eritrea.

Kjell Magne Bondevik concluded the seminar by underlining the Oslo Center’s intentions with the report.

“We do not seek to work against, but with the Eritrean government. We wish all the best for Eritrea, and it is out of concern for the Eritrean people we are doing this. The country’s great potential for development is why this situation is so tragic. We want to bring Eritrea out of its isolation”, he said.

The report has been commissioned by the Oslo Center with support from the Strømme Foundation and the Norwegian Mission to the East. 

 

Click the link: http://www.oslocenter.no/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=214&Itemid=1

November 12, 2009

Eritrea and the US: towards a new US policy

Filed under: Politics — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 4:22 pm

Eritrea and the US: towards a new US policy – Presentation by Dan Connell

9 November 2009

Overshadowed by those with Ethiopia, almost always to Eritrea’s disadvantage. With the exception of a brief window in the 1990s, the US has seen Ethiopia as its primary strategic ally in the region and treated Eritrea as something of an afterthought to be sacrificed when its actions or interests ran counter to Ethiopia’s.

 This history is well known to most Eritreans, as is European complicity in Eritrea’s many travails. Grasping this is the starting point for any effort to defuse tensions and restore trust. The arrival of a new administration in Washington and the reexamination of EU relations with both the US and Eritrea provide an opportunity for a fresh start, but any new initiatives must overcome a weighty legacy. First, let’s step back & look at this legacy, focusing on the US

 The initial encounter between the United States and Eritrea came in 1941, shortly after British-led forces defeated Italy and took charge of Eritrea, when an American company began several military projects that were taken over by the US Army once Washington joined the Allied war effort.

 Among them was a communications facility in Asmara that in the 1950s evolved into Kagnew Station, for nearly a quarter century one of the most important overseas US intelligence facilities – an electronic listening post run by the National Security Agency that reached as far as the Persian Gulf and parts of the Soviet Union, intercepting radio, telephone and telegraph messages in half a dozen languages. Meanwhile, Eritrea’s strategic location at the narrow southern entrance to the Red Sea, gave it a special importance. Control of this gateway was of course critical for keeping open the vital sea lanes connecting Europe and North America with East Africa, the Gulf and Asia through Suez.

 With this as backdrop, the US became Ethiopia’s main champion at the UN, where the decision was taken in 1950 to link Eritrea to Ethiopia in a federation under Haile Selassie’s control. In support of the plan, John Foster Dulles, the US representative to the General Assembly & a future Secretary of State, told the Security Council: ‘From the point of view of justice the opinions of the Eritrean people must receive consideration. Nevertheless, the strategic interests of the US in the Red Sea basin and considerations of security and world peace make it necessary that this country has to be linked to our ally, Ethiopia’.

 

Why is this relevant? Just ask any Eritrean. I promise you: Nearly everyone can quote it.

 This federation gave Eritrea nominal autonomy, a constitution with an elaborate bill of rights, a parliament, a flag, and two official languages, Tigrinya and Arabic – the trappings of sovereignty but not the substance of it, for Ethiopia retained control of the police and national defense. The next year the US and Ethiopia signed agreements that gave Washington a 25-year lease on military and intelligence bases in Eritrea and pledged the US to provide military aid and training to Ethiopia. Between 1953 and 1960, American advisers built sub-Saharan Africa’s first modern army, with three divisions of 6,000 men each, equipped largely with surplus US weapons and equipment.

 

 During this time, with the US and many current EU members silently standing by, Ethiopia dismantled the federation and in 1962 formally annexed Eritrea, after detaining dissidents, shutting down the independent press, suppressing trade unions and political organizations, and imposing a highly repressive regime that was, ironically, very like what has been visited on the people of Eritrea today. And at no time did the US or any European state object.

 

Eritreans protested, but with no noticeable impact. Thus, with all avenues for peaceful protest closed, Eritrean exiles founded the ELF to wage an armed struggle for independence, which as we all know went on for the next three decades. As it gained momentum, the US stepped up military aid to Ethiopia, which from 1946 to 1975 totaled $286.1 million, 2/3 of all military assistance to Africa. At the peak of the relationship, there were more than 6,000 Americans there, including 925 Peace Corps volunteers, almost twice as many as in the rest of the continent. During this period, the US also gave Ethiopia more than $350 million in economic assistance, and was Ethiopia’s largest trading partner.

 

 

 However, by the middle of the 1970s Ethiopia’s war in Eritrea was going badly and Ethiopia was itself in the throes of a devastating famine and a major political crisis. At the same time, its importance to the US was declining and the Kagnew Station base was becoming obsolete. Given that the American public, reeling from losses in Vietnam, lacked the appetite for another major counter-insurgency, there was no inclination to renew the 25-year treaty with Ethiopia when it expired, nor for providing the derg the resources to escalate the Eritrea war after it seized power. Thus a major chapter in the US-Ethiopia relationship came to an end.

 

The derg closed down American bases—which by the way were already slated for closing by Washington—and then realigned Ethiopia with the Soviet Union, which pumped in billions of dollars in new arms, prolonging Eritrea’s independence war another 15 years. However, throughout the next phase of the conflict, the US and EU states for the most part refused to support the Eritreans—apart from humanitarian aid during and after the mid-1980s famine. Most Eritreans have not forgotten this either.

 

 After Eritrea’s formal declaration of independence in 1993, the US was one of first to recognize it, after which bilateral relations grew stronger. With its apparent success at transcending ethnic and religious divisions, its extremely low levels of corruption and crime and its dedication to self-reliant development, Eritrea was an attractive partner in post-Cold War Africa. The rise of radical Islamism in Sudan heightened the US incentive for this, and suddenly Eritrea was hosting a stream of top American military & civilian leaders, including First Lady Hilary Clinton. Between 1994 and 2001, the US gave Eritrea $8 million in military aid & training, as President Clinton dubbed it a “frontline state” in the battle to contain Islamist terrorism.

 

 But, just as abruptly, Eritrea’s centrality to US policy dropped off with the change in regional strategy under President Bush, whose administration invested heavily in an effort to end Sudan’s north–south civil war, though relations had already been slipping since June 1998 when, after war broke out again with Ethiopia, the Clinton administration sought to mediate and found itself spurned by Isaias, who would not play by accepted diplomatic rules. As one American mediation effort ended in failure, the relationship steadily cooled. Worse than cooled—it was not long before Eritrea began blaming the US for Ethiopia’s actions on its websites and through its supporters arguing that US aid to Ethiopia was driving the entire war and, after the fighting stopped, that the CIA was responsible for the rising chorus of dissent.

 

 US criticism of Isaias’s brutal crackdown in 2001 had the effect of fueling Eritrean charges that the US was behind the dissent in the first place and in league with those arrested. And the failure of the US to use its leverage to force Ethiopia to accept the April 2002 Boundary Commission ruling on the border dispute took these relations to a new low, as Asmara blamed Washington for coddling Addis Ababa rather than pressuring it to relent. Even so, in 2003, the US provided Eritrea with $71.6 million in humanitarian aid, including $65 million in food assistance, $3.36 million in refugee support, and $10.16 million in development assistance.

 

None of this made any difference in the relationship, or in Eritrea’s treatment of its citizens, which of course grew steadily more coercive over the next decade, or in Eritrea’s regional behavior, which became if anything more belligerent than ever before.

 

 In the chapter of the forthcoming book on Eritrea’s regional relations from which this talk is drawn, I go into the relationship during the Bush years in detail, but I’m going to skip over this for now for the sake of brevity and because I suspect most of you are familiar with it, except to mention that the low point came in the administration’s final two years as the war of words steadily escalated, the US moved closer to Ethiopia, and Eritrea deepened its involvement with Islamist groups in Somalia and with armed Ethiopian opposition groups, notably but not only the Oromo Liberation Front and the Ogaden National Liberation Front. US anxiety over this deepened with the rise of Islamist forces in Somalia and led to direct American military action there targeted at al Qaeda but associated in the Eritrean and Somali minds with Ethiopia’s intervention there.

 

 Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi Frazer’s 2007 threat to add Eritrea to the US list of countries that sponsor terror, setting in motion a wide range of restrictions and sanctions fueled widespread anger at the US among Eritreans at home and abroad for what many believed was a US–Ethiopian conspiracy against them. Towards a new US & EU policyToday, the US and the EU have a choice of three broad policy frameworks within which to approach Eritrea:• Isolation and containment, intended to limit Eritrea’s ability to do damage in the region while squeezing it through a steadily tightening web of sanctions—more or less what the Bush administration ended its term with.• Constructive if limited engagement, intended to salvage the few positives available, while encouraging incremental changes in behavior that foster regional stability—more or less what the EU has been doing, with little notable success.• Or regime transition, driven from within Eritrea, that would allow the country to return to the construction of a stable, democratic state. 

 

As I said, though the Bush administration began with the second, it wound up with the first, after top officials concluded that it was impossible to influence Isaias’s behavior because he was too personally obtuse to change. So with regime transition appearing out of the question owing to the absence of a viable alternative, the Bush administration sought to isolate and contain Eritrea. How well this worked is best illustrated by the continuing crises in Somalia and Djibouti. But as this, too, became clear in Washington, frustration with Eritrea grew, often taking on a personal dimension expressed in occasional rants that did little more than provoke similar rants from Asmara. Against this bleak backdrop, both the Obama administration and the EU need to reassess both the situation and the policy options, excluding nothing.

 Throughout, it is essential to keep in mind that Isaias will not endure forever, nor will his regime. Whether he will ever change his character is beside the point (he will not); how to weaken his grip on unchecked power is the key issue. Together with how to strengthen those who will come after—and to foster a democratic, rights-based culture among them so the next regime is not worse in both human rights terms and from the standpoint of its contribution to regional instability, as it could well be, as the potential for chaos in Eritrea in the event of a sudden change, however it comes about, is enormous. This would be the case in any situation in which despotic rule has so thoroughly impoverished the political environment and prevented the emergence of viable successors, but particularly in Eritrea.

 At the very least, American & EU policy ought to support democratic forces, now based outside the country but with significant if largely invisible support inside, for an eventual return to contest for power & influence in a more open political arena, with or without Isaias. Meanwhile, he sustains his position by claiming that Eritrea’s very existence is threatened by any sign of weakness or dissent while keeping the population as isolated as possible from alternative sources of information and perspective. And it is precisely this combination of perceived threat and actual isolation that needs attention and action if you want to at least open the door to change in Eritrea—either through a change in regime or through the re-emergence of pressure on the existing regime from the Eritrean population, at home and abroad.

 Removing the border issue and breaking down Eritrea’s North Korea-like internal isolation are the keys to bringing this about. Without this investment in the levers for change, Eritrea’s future will be defined by increasing political violence directed at the population there and at its neighbors. On the other hand, a collapse at the center before there is a viable, democratic opposition prepared to fill the vacuum could push the country into civil war or anarchy, as significant fault lines lie under the surface – regional, religious and ethnic, and also political and personal. That said, it is also true that the deeply divided opposition, which includes more than a dozen distinct parties or fronts, numerous civil society formations in the diaspora and clandestine but largely unorganized forces in Eritrea, is no more ready to step in today than was the Iraqi opposition in 2003.

 Under these rather dire circumstances, the promotion of a coherent opposition built on democratic principles and committed to a clearly defined, stable transition should be a high priority for the US and the EU, however long it takes to develop and however remote that may appear, coupled with substantial and sustained efforts to increase the flow of news and information into the country to break the state’s present monopoly. Rushing such a process, or trying to control it, would be a terrible mistake because that would reify existing fissures under a façade of paper unity. But there are ways to show commitment to multiparty politics in Eritrea and to promote a non-violent transition from a distance while leaving it to the Eritreans to accomplish.

 Direct support for any one of the alliances, parties or NGOs in the opposition would exacerbate divisions rather than heal them, stigmatizing them as the instrument of foreign powers and fostering more competition & division among them. However, conferences that promote dialogue among them and greatly enhanced support for web- and radio-based media that carry news and information to Eritrea would make much-needed contributions to the evolution of both the organized opposition and their political culture. The first requirement for a modest move towards a future democratic transition is to map the existing opposition. This starts with the Eritrean Democratic Alliance, a loosely defined umbrella organization for groups of widely varying ideological orientation, size and internal coherence, some favoring violence, some renouncing it. Members range from secular democrats organized into unarmed political parties, like the Eritrean Democratic Party and the Eritrean People’s Party—now in merger talks—to armed religious and ethnic movements such as the Islamic Party for Justice and Development and the Kunama-based Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea, with a full spectrum between them. However distasteful one or another may be to you, they all need to be included in a new dispensation or they will act as spoilers on the outside. But there are many Eritreans who distrust these parties, most of which are led by people who have fought among themselves to dominate the national movement since the 1960s and 1970s.

 The younger generation, many of whom have spent time outside Eritrea and experienced democratic societies at first hand, has declined to join EDA affiliates in significant numbers, focusing instead on building human rights organizations and NGOs. This trend too needs to be mapped and treated as an integral part of the emerging alternative.

 Meanwhile, the US and the EU need to articulate objectives for the Horn as a whole and pursue policies towards Eritrea that arise from and are consistent with them, rather than react piecemeal to problems and opportunities in each country. An effective strategy for preventing any one of them from becoming a haven for terrorists, for example, demands closer coordination among all of them. As does a strategy for promoting economic development to strengthen the common stake among these countries and peoples in peace and stability among them. These states are too intertwined to do otherwise.

 Such a strategy must be based on settling disputes, promoting democracy and destroying emerging terrorist threats, without which sustainable interstate cooperation is impossible. But it has also to involve building regional infrastructure and promoting commerce and trade among these states, not just within those we favor politically at the moment. Publicly articulating such an approach to the peoples of the region would help to isolate those who stand in the way and would facilitate linked incentives and penalties for advancing policy objectives.

 Linkage between the border dispute and democratization – leveraging one in order to promote the other – is critical. The US & the EU should move aggressively & visibly to end the confrontation between Eritrea and Ethiopia. No other objectives can be effectively dealt with until this issue is taken off the table. But the US & the EU should not act on this in isolation from other objectives, and you will not secure the cooperation of Ethiopia if you try to do so. In fact, making clear the commitment to democracy and respect for basic civil and human rights in Eritrea is the key to winning Ethiopia’s agreement to resolve the border dispute because it addresses the growing alienation among the Eritrean population and it frees them to refocus on their own political agenda. Ethiopia needs to understand this and to allow the US & the EU to make the effort.

 This starts with pressuring Ethiopia to implement the Boundary Commission findings as they are, with no hedging about needing negotiations first while claiming they accept the results with “no conditions.” Just put the stone markers in lace and move on.

 It also necessitates offering incentives to both sides to make the ending of their confrontation not only palatable but also essential to each of their constituencies. A new initiative should be coordinated with the AU, as well, both to strengthen its impact and to signal an intent to work within multilateral frameworks. Coordination would underline the risk of serious isolation for both states if they drag their feet. But that message must be backed by a credible threat of sanctions with more than symbolic value. Demands without punch carry no weight with either antagonist.

 Making an aggressive approach to reversing the suppression of rights in Eritrea the centerpiece of US & EU action while pushing Ethiopia to accept the Boundary Commission’s findings without fudging the details (including Badme) would blunt charges that the rest of the world is appeasing Eritrea at Ethiopia’s expense. In doing so it would address Ethiopia’s major concern – that placating an unpredictable state that is trying to break Ethiopia up into weak microstates would allow Isaias to claim victory and step up his destabilization efforts without restraint by strengthening the Eritrean people’s ability to be that restraint.

 All else turns on defusing the border dispute, whatever Isaias may say to the world about its now being irrelevant, and it must be addressed first. This war was never really about Badme—it has long been a power struggle oover whoiich political movement and which leader would dominate the politics of the Horn. That has not changed, even though Badme has come to symbolize this for both sides. Taking it off the table will not end the larger power struggle, but it will alter the terrain in favor of the democratoic forces in both countries.

 The US and the EU should offer material incentives for action on this and define a sequence of gradually escalating penalties for blocking it. These opportunities and penalties should be publicized as widely as possible to the populations of both states, through diplomatic channels and the global media, to generate pressure from below to accept a settlement, and the US and the EU should provide assistance to alternative media directed at Eritrea from outside the country to expand that population’s access to such information.

 To promote an open democratic political arena in Eritrea that will make the country both less conducive to terrorist threats and less threatening to Ethiopia and other of its neighbors, Eritrea should be pressured to immediately implement the constitution ratified in 1997, bringing all its laws into line with it and releasing or bringing to trial all political prisoners, including the surviving members of the G-15 reformists, jailed in 2001, as well as the hundreds of young people jailed for questioning the regime or seeking release from indefinite conscription. Eritrea should also be pressured to grant amnesty to opposition movements based outside the country, allowing them to renounce violence and compete on a level playing field with the ruling PFDJ, and it should be pushed to permit the re-establishment of a free, independent media, including broadcast as well as print outlets, as well as to provide legal protection for all religious groups and take prompt legal action against those who attack members of minority faiths. All this should be part of an effort to lay the groundwork for free and fair, internationally- monitored national elections.

   Though it is extremely unlikely the government of Eritrea will act on such reforms so long as it is headed by Isaias, strong, coordinated US & EU support for these measures – if communicated to the people of Eritrea – will strengthen the democratic forces inside the country and in the diaspora who favor them by publicizing their common program and giving the people of Eritrea a clear idea of what awaits in the event of a change in Asmara.

 But alternative avenues for Eritrea to resolve problems and promote its interests must be available for this to be credible, starting with a peaceful resolution of the interminable border dispute with Ethiopia. Who can blame Eritreans for doubting the good faith of the international community in the face of their history of betrayal? As I have insisted, there is simply no chance of the US or the EU being taken seriously on any of these questions or issues unless there is first a clear, concerted and ultimately successful international initiative to resolve the border dispute as per the Boundary Commission’s 2002 ruling, stripping the Isaias regime of its political cover and fostering confidence among Eritreans that the outside world cares what happens to them and their new country

November 11, 2009

Concluding Statement of the Conference on Joining Up EU and US Policy towards Eritrea and the Horn of Africa for the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights

Filed under: Media — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 4:35 pm
  Print
group_pictureEurope External Policy Advisors (EEPA) in partnership with civil society leaders from the Horn of Africa and the Italian Institute for Political Science organized a two-day conference on EU and US policy on Eritrea and the Horn of Africa. The Conference, held in Brussels on 9th and 10th November 2009, was attended by high-ranking officials and academics from Europe, the European Union, the United States, the Horn countries, Eritrean political leaders in diaspora, human rights activists and civil society leaders from across the Horn of Africa. The attendants adopted the following concluding statement:

 Joining EU and US policy towards Eritrea and the Horn of Africa
For the promotion of Democracy and Human Rights

Conference Concluding Statement

Brussels – Belgium
9-10 November 2009

Europe External Policy Advisors (EEPA) in partnership with civil society leaders from the Horn of Africa and the Italian Institute for Political Science organized a two-day conference on EU and US policy on Eritrea and the Horn of Africa.

The Conference, held in Brussels on 9th and 10th November 2009, was attended by high-ranking officials and academics from Europe, the European Union, the United States, the Horn countries, Eritrean political leaders in diaspora, human rights activists and civil society leaders from across the Horn of Africa.

The Conference covered a wide range of issues, including:

  • an overview of Eritrea’s history in the Horn and the key regional concerns;
  • analysis of EU and US policy approaches towards Eritrea and the Horn of Africa; the background to these approaches, aims and rationales ;
  • human rights concerns in Eritrea and the region, in the understanding that states and the international community have an obligation to address these concerns;
  • presentation of European Commission’s policy in regard to human rights;
  • Eritrean diaspora perspective for opening the country out of repression towards democracy and regional stability;
  • the empowerment of Non State Actors in Eritrea and the Horn;
  • the plight of refugees;
  • the respect for the rights of ethnic and minority groups;
  • respect for freedom of religion;
  • identifying steps for greater democratic engagement in the Horn of Africa, the ways and means in which the international community can help in realizing this.

The Conference was opened by Dr Mirjam van Reisen, Director of Europe External Policy Advisors (EEPA), who welcomed the participants to the important event, which she saw as an important platform for formulating coherent EU and US policies towards the Horn of Africa for the promotion of democracy and human rights.

The Conference was also addressed by:

  • Mr. Roger Moore, Director of Horn of Africa, European Commission, speaking for Karel de Gucht, EU Commissioner for Development Co-operation
  • Mr. Robert Houdek, former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia and Eritrea
  • Mr. Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway and President of the Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights
  • Professor Bereket Habte Selassie, Distinguished Professor of African Studies and Professor of Law at the University of North Carolina and former Chair of the Constitutional Commission of Eritrea (represented in abstentia)

The conference was informed on recent developments and noted the following observations with concern:

  • that famine is spreading across the Horn of Africa and the lack of humanitarian support due to the politicization of aid delivery by some governments is worsening the crisis;
  • the denial of food shortage by the Eritrean government and its refusal to accept humanitarian aid to alleviate the famine;
  • that UNHCR reported that in 2008 the second highest absolute number of asylum seekers came from Eritrea with two thirds of new asylum-seekers claims lodged in Sudan and Ethiopia;
  • that Somalia is facing its worst humanitarian crisis in 18 years. There is drought, record-high food prices and insecurity resulting in displacement.
  • that half of Somalia’s population (3.76 million) is in need of humanitarian assistance and that 75% of those in need are concentrated in South and Central Somalia where fighting is heaviest, thereby limiting civilians’ access to emergency aid;
  • that 1.5 million Somalis are living as IDPs in camps and another 500,000 are living as refugees in neighbouring countries;
  • the violation of the arms embargo in Somalia by neighbouring states and its link with the instability and piracy in the region;
  • the allegation that in Somalia war crimes and crimes against humanity are committed with impunity on a daily basis by the parties to the conflict;
  • the allegation that Ethiopia is committing human rights violations against its citizens;
  • the overall human rights violations in the region, excessive militarization and continued stalemate between Eritrea and Ethiopia on the border dispute;
  • the common phenomenon of mass arrests and collective punishment affecting the whole population in Eritrea, including children, resulting from an arbitrary detention policy, the inhumane conditions, degrading treatment and torture of prisoners;
  • the absence of a functioning parliament, democratic elections, and independent judiciary and the postponement of Constitutional democracy in Eritrea, blocking inclusive processes of change;
  • the observation that organs of civil society are annihilated in Eritrea leading to the suppression of its potential role as agent of change in Eritrea, and the restriction of civil society in Ethiopia that especially target NGOs, freedom of speech and freedom of association;
  • that Eritrea figures last on the World Press Freedom Index and is also reported as the most militarized state in the world;

The conference asked for 

  1. the unconditional implementation of the final and binding decision of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC);
  2. The Conference made the recommendation that civil society and non state actors should be strengthened and support of the strengthening of political parties should be provided, together with the development of a scenario for a transition towards democracy;
  3. The EU, the US and other members of the international community, such as China, to have a cohesive approach with regard to Eritrea and the Horn of Africa based on explicitly identified common goals and putting democracy and the promotion of human rights; higher on the international agenda;
  4. EU development aid to be implemented strictly in accordance with the Cotonou Agreement, with emphasis on the essential clauses on human rights;
  5. EU development aid to be monitored and reviewed adequately and with the input of independent experts.

And also important are:

  • the EU and US to engage all countries of the Horn in a broader political dialogue with a more balanced approach and hold such countries accountable for human rights violations, where appropriate, including implementation of targeted sanctions against individuals;
  • the EU and US to put effective pressure on the Eritrean authorities to release all political prisoners and respect human rights of Eritrean citizens and to ensure access by the ICRC and other independent monitoring groups;
  • the EU and US to put effective pressure on all the authorities of the Horn to release all political prisoners and respect human rights of its citizens;
  • Urge the UN to appoint international Commissions of Inquiry for Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia on their respective human rights situation;
  • the EU and the US to engage with the AU and the international community in strategies to address the crisis of famine that is emerging in the Horn of Africa and to lift any obstacles that prevent UN agencies or humanitarian organizations in providing humanitarian assistance and food aid to the victims of the famine, in full recognition of the Code of Conduct on Humanitarian Assistance;
  • the EU and the US to work with IGAD to promote regional economic cooperation and integration in the Horn; food security and environmental protection and the promotion and maintenance of peace and security and humanitarian affairs;
  • the EU and US to actively promote the respect for civil society in Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia in accordance with the right to freedom of expression and the right to organise;
  • the EU and the US to help the transition to democracy and respect for human rights in the Horn by investing in education and health facilities for refugees, youth, peace education, vocational training and employment programmes;
  • the EU and the US to promote democratic transitions in the Horn countries by building on political and civil society initiatives in the diaspora communities, supporting especially refugee communities in neighbouring countries, especially involving youth being trained in peace building, education in democracy and encouraging participation in political organisations, and including them in vocational and academic education;
  • that EU Member States, the US and the international community to follow the UNHCR guidelines on the “Return of Rejected Asylum Seekers to Eritrea” of January 2004 and respect their rights under the Refugee Convention and the review of the Italio-Lybia Agreement which is jeopardizing the lives of many asylum-seekers;
  • that the EU Member States, the US and the international community resettle the asylum-seekers from the Horn of Africa who are stuck in Lybia as a consequence of the Italio-Lybian Agreement;
  • supporting initiatives encouraging freedom of expression through television, radio and other communication initiatives;
  • the institution of a process of transitional justice for Eritrea, including studying of a potential mandate for a tribunal preparing a process for transitional justice, reconciliation and healing.

References:

  1. The Economist “A Catastrophe is Looming,” 24 September 2009, available from http://www.economist.com/world/middleeast-africa/displayStory.cfm?story_id=14506436.
  2. UNHCR 2008 Global Trends: Refugees, Asylum Seekers, Returnees, Internally Displaced and Stateless Persons, available from http://www.unhcr.org/4a375c426.html
  3. Reuters “Somalia: Humanitarian Situation ‘Worst in 18 Years,'” 22 August 2009, available from http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/IRIN/b3da5cdc4eb668102af3bbe841c3b01f.htm.
  4. IRIN “Somalia: Record Number of Displaced at 1.5 Million,” 7 September 2009, available from http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=86034; CNN “Somali Refugee Conditions ‘Appalling,'” 4 September 2009, available from http://www.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/africa/09/03/somalia.refugee.conditions/index.html.
  5. Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia Submitted in Accordance with Resolution 1811 (2008), UN Doc S/2008/769, 10 December 2008, available from http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/mongroup.shtml, p 6, paras 66, 264.
  6. “Human Rights Violations in War-torn Mogadishu,” UNHCR/UNICEF press release, 9 June 2009.
  7. Sally Healy and Martin Plaut “Ethiopia and Eritrea: Allergic to Persuasion,” Chatham House, Briefing Paper, January 2007, AFP BP 07/01, available from http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/4055_bpethiopiaeritrea.pdf.
  8. Human Rights Watch Service for Life: State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea (2009), available from http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/eritrea0409web_0.pdf.
  9. Kjetil Tronvoll The Lasting Struggle For Freedom In Eritrea: Human Rights and Political Development, 1991-2009 (The Oslo Center 2009).
  10. Cotonou Task Force, CTF Report JAR – MTR, CRF Secretariat, Adis Abeba, Ethiopia
  11. Reporters Sans Frontières Press Freedom Index 2009 (2009).
  12. Bonn International Centre for Conversion (BICC) “Global Militarization Index (GMI),” available from http://www.bicc.de/uploads/pdf/publications/jahresbericht/2009/gmi_worldmap_2009.pdf (2009).

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/content/view/1049/1/

Click the following links for the presentation:-

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Robert_Houdek.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Noel_Joseph.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Kjell_Magne_Bondevik.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Daniel_Rezene_Mekonnen.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Woldeyesus_Ammar.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Witness%20Account%20Tsedal%20Yohannes,%209%20November%202009.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Suleiman_A_Hussein.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation_Selam_Kidane.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation%20Prof%20Bereket_9%20Nov%202009.pdf

http://www.eepa.be/wcm/dmdocuments/Eritrea/Presentation%20Dan%20Connell_Eritrea%20&%20US,%209%20November%202009.pdf

Help Meaza Print E-mail
Click here for the Powerpoint Help Meaza

ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ዋዕላ ፖሊሲታት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን

ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ንምትብባዕ ብዘገልግል ኣገባብ ምቅርራቡ።

እቲ ካብ 9-10 ሕዳር 2009 ፖሊሲታት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን

ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ንምትብባዕ ብዘገልግል ኣገባብ ምቅርራቡ ብዝብል ዛዕባ ኣብ

ብሩሰል፡ ርእሰ-ከተማ በልጅዩም፡ ክካየድ ዝጸንሐ ዋዕላ፡ ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ብምውጻእ

ተዛዚሙ። ኣብ’ዚ፡ ብኣውሮጳዊ ናይ ወጻኢ ፖሊሲታት ኣማኻሪ ዝተባህለ ዘይመንግስታዊ

ትካል፡ ብምትሕብባር ምስ መራሕቲ በርገሳውያን ማሕበራትን ኢጣልያዊ ናይ ፖለቲካ ስነ-

ፍልጠት ትካልን ዝተዳለወ ዋዕላ’ዚ፡ ላዕለዎት ሰበ-ስልጣን ኣውሮጳ፡ ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረት፡

ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ፡ ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ መራሕቲ ኣብ ስደት ዝርከባ ፖለቲካዊ

ውድባት ኤርትራን በርገሳውያን መራሕትን፡ መራሕቲ በርገሳውያን ማሕበራት ኣብ ቀርኒ

ኣፍሪቃ ተሳቲፎም ነይሮም። ብዅሉ መለኪዕታት፡ እቲ ዋዕላ፡ ነቲ ዝተበገሰሉ ዕላማ ኣዓዊቱ

ከብሃል ይከኣል። እቲ ደምዳሚ መግለጺ ሓዚልዎም ዝወጸ ትሕዝቶታት ከም’ዚ ዝስዕብ

ይመስል።

ኣብ ዋዕላ ዝተዘርበሎም ዛዕባታት ድማ፡ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ዛዕባታት ነበሩ።

  • • ሓጺር ዳህሳስ ታሪኽ ኤርትራን ቀንዲ ሻቕሎታት ናይ’ቲ ዞናን፣
  • • ፖሊሲታት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ኣብ ኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን፣
  • • ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራን ኣብ’ቲ ዞባን፣
  • • ፖሊሲ ኮሚሽን ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ኣብ ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፣
  • • ርእይቶ ኣብ ግዳም ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ብዛዕባ ከመይነት ምስግጋር ናብ

ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት፣

  • • ምሕያል ግደ ዘይመንግስታዊ ትካላትን ዘይመንግታውያን ተዋሳእቲ ውልቀሰባትን፣
  • • ንስደተኛታት ዘጋጥሞም ዘሎ ጸገማት፣
  • • መሰልን ሰብኣዊ ክብርን ውሁዳን ሕብረተ-ሰባት፣
  • • መሰል እምነት ምኽባር፣
  • • ግደ ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብ ኣብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋርን ኣገባባቱን ምንጻር።

ካልእ እቲ ዋዕላ ዝተሓበሮም ብተገዳስነት ዝተመልከቶምን ጕዳያት

  • • ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ እናስፋሕፍሐ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ጥሜትን፣ ገለ መንግስታት

ብፖለቲካዊ ምስምሳት፡ ረዲኤት ናብ’ቲ ግዳይ ከይበጽሕ ዝገብርዎ ዘለዉ

ዕንቅፋታትን፣

  • • መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ናይ መግቢ ሕጽረት የብለይን ኢሉ ምድራቑን፣ ረዲኤት ከይኣቱ

ምኽልካሉን፣

  • • ኤርትራ፡ ብደረጃ ብዝሒ ስደተኛታት ኣብ 2ይ ቦታ ከም እትስራሕን፣ ክልተ-ሲሶ

ካብኦም ድማ፡ ኣብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ተዓቊቦም ከምዘለዉ ዝሕብር ናይ 2008

ጸብጻብ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት፣

  • • ሶማልያ፡ ኣብ ዝሓለፉ 18 ዓመታት ትሓልፎ ዘላ ዓጸቦን ቅልውላዋትን፣ ድርቅን ናህሪ

ዋጋ መግብን፡ ከምኡእ‘ን፡ ብሰንኪ ምፍንቓል ዝስዕብ ዘሎ ስእነት ሰላምን ጸጥታን፣

  • • ፍርቂ ካብ ህዝቢ ሶማል ተጸባዪ ናይ ረዲኤት ኰይኑ ከምዘሎ፣ 75% ካብ’ቲ ረዲኤት

ዝጽበ፡ ኣብ’ቲ ጽዕጹዕ ውግእ ዝካየደሉ ደቡባውን ማእከላውን ዝርከብ ምዃኑን፣

ብሰንኪ’ቲ ውግእ፡ ረዲኤት ናብ’ቲ ጥቑዕ ህዝቢ ክበጽሕ ከምዘይከኣለን፣

  • • 1.5 ሚልዮና ካብ ህዝቢ ሶማል ተፈናቒሉ ኣብ መዓስከራት’ዩ ከምዝነብርን ፍርቂ

ምልዮን ዝኸውን ድማ፡ ሃገሩ ገዲፉ ከምዝተሰደደ፤

  • • ኣብ ልዕሊ ሶማል ዝተደንገገ እገዳ ብጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ይጠሓስ ምህላዉን፣

ዝምድናን ምስ ሽፍትነት ባሕርን ዘስዕቦ ዘሎ ዘይምርግጋእን፤

  • • ተቐናቐንቲ ሓይልታት ሶማል ዝፍጽምዎ ዘለዉ ገበናት ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ሰባትን ናይ

ውግእ ገበናትን፤

  • • ኣብ ኢትዮጵያዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፤
  • • ኣብ’ቲ ዞና ብሓፈሻ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ሚሊታራይዘሽንን ኣብ

መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘሎ ናይ ዶብ ጐንጺ ወጥርታት፤

  • • ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ፡ ንህጻናት ውን ዘጠቓለለ ጅምላዊ ማእሰርትን ጅምላዊ

መቕጻዕትን፣

  • • ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝሰርሕ ፓርላማ፡ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምርጫታትን ናጻ ቤት ፍርድን

ዘይምህላው፣ ቅዋማዊ ዲሞክራሲ ንዘይተወሰነ ግዜ ምስግጋሩን ጸረ ለውጢ ዝግበር

ዘሎ ዕንቅፋታትን፤

  • • ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ናይ’ቶም ለውጢ ከምጽኡ ዝኽእሉ ናይ ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራት

መሓውራት ምድምሳስን፣ ከምኡ ውን፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዘሎ ገደብ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሲቪላዊ

ማሕበራት፡ ብፍላይ ድማ፡ ዘይመንግስታዊ ትካላትን ናይ ምዝራብን ምእካብን

ናጽነታትን፤

  • • ኤርትራ፡ ብናጽነት ናይ ምዝራብ ብዝምልከት፡ ኣብ ዳሕረዋይ ቦታ ተሰሪዓ ከምዘላ፣

እታ ዝያዳ ብሚሊታሪዝም (ዕስክርና) ትፍለጥ ሃገር ኰይና ከምዘላ።

እቲ ዋዕላ ዘቕረቦ ጠለባት ከኣ፡

1. እቲ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ብዘይ ቅድመ-ኵነት ኣብ

ግብሪ ምውዓል፣

2. ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ውልቀ-ሰባትን ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ንምሕያል ዘድሊ ጻዕርታት

ምግባር። ከመይነት መስርሕ ምስግጋር ናብ ዲሞክራሲ ዘርኢ ስእሊ (ሲናርዮ) ምቕራጽ፣

3. ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ፡ ኣመሪካን ቻይናን ንኤርትራን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ብዝምልከት ሓደ

ዝዓይነቱ ፖሊሲ ክህልወን። ንጕዳይ ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ቀዳምነታት ምሃብ።

4. ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ዝህቦ ልምዓታዊ ደገፋት ምስ ስምምዕ ኮቶኑ ዝሳነ ክኸውን። ብፍላይ

ድማ፡ ምስ ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ከምዝተኣሳሰር ምግባሩ።

5. ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ዝህቦ ደገፋት ብኪኢላታት ቍጽጽርን ክትልን ክግበረሉ ዝብል ነበረ።

ካልእ ኣገደስቲ ጕዳያት ድማ፡

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ሰፊሕ ፖለቲካዊ

ልዝባት ንምክያድ ዝሕግዝ ባይታታት ክፈጥሩን፣ ነቶም መንግስታት ብዝፍጽምዎ

ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ተሓታትነት ክህልዎም ክገብሩን ዕላማ ዘለዎ ናይ እገዳ

ስጕምታት ኣብ ተግባር ከውዕሉን፣

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኵሎም ናይ ፖለቲካ እሱራት ክፍትሑን፣ ሰብኣዊ

መሰላት ክኽበሩን፣ ቀይሕ መስቀልን ካልኦት ትካላትን ንእሱራት ናይ ምብጻሕ

መሰሎም ክሕለወሎምን ምግባር፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኵሎም መንግስታት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ

ጸቕጥታት ብምግባር፡ ናይ ፖለቲካ እሱራት ከምዝፍትሑ ክገብሩ፤

  • • ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ኢትዮጵያን ሶማልያን

ዝምርምር ኣህጕራዊ ትካል ከቕውም፤

  • • ንሓደጋ ጥሜት ንምብዳህ፡ ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ምስ ሓድነት ኣፍሪቃን

ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን ብምትሕብባር ስትራተጂ ክሕንጽጹን ንናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት

ናይ ረዲኤት ትክላት ዘጋጥም ዕንቅፋታት ክፈትሑን፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ምስ ኢጋድ ብምትሕብባር፡ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዞባዊ ናይ

ቍጠባዊ ልምዓት ምትሕብባር ክህሉ፡ ናይ መግቢ ዋሕስነት ክረጋገጽን ከባቢያዊ ብከላ

ንምክልኻልን ሰላምን ጸጥታን ንምስፋንን ክጽዕሩ፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራት ኣብ ጅቡቲ፡ ኤርትራን

ኢትዮጵያን ብመሰረት ናጽነት ናይ ምዝራብን ናጽነት ናይ ምእካብን ክዋስኡ

ዘተባብዕ ባይታ ምፍጣር፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ ንስደተኛታት ዝውሃብ ትምህርታውን ጥዕናውን

ኣገልግሎት ብምትኳር፡ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ናብ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ምኽባር ሰብኣዊ መሰላት

ንምርግጋጽ ምጽዓር። መንእሰያት ስደተኛታት፡ ናይ ሰላም ትምህርት፡ ናይ ሞያን ናይ

ስራሕን ፕሮግርማት ተጠቀምቲ ክዀኑ ምግባር፤

  • • ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን፡ ኣብ ወጻኢ ኣብ ዝርከቡ ማሕበረ-ኮማት፡ ፖለቲካውን

ሲቪላውን ተበግሶታት ብምትሕብባር፡ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋር ምቅልጣፍ።

ብፍላይ ድማ፡ ኣብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዘለዉ ናይ ስደተኛታት ማሕበረ-ሰብ

ምድጋፍን፣ ብፍላይ ድማ፡ መንእሰያት፡ ሰላም ኣብ ምስፋን ዝሕግዞም ምልመላታት

ክረኽቡን፣ ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ትምህርቲ ክቐስሙን ኣብ ፖለቲካውያን ውድባት ክሳተፉን

ምትብባዕን፣ ኣካዳሚካውን ሞያውን ትምህርቲ ከምዝረኽቡን ምግባር፤

  • • ኣባላት ሃገራት ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረት፡ ኣመሪካን ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን፡ ኣብ

መምርሒታት ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዝተመርኰሰ ናይ

ዑቝባ ተቐባልነት ዘይረኸቡ ስደተኛታት ናብ ሃገሮም ናይ ምምላስ መሰል ኣብ ግብሪ

ከምዝውዕል ምግባር። ብመሰረት ስምምዕ ጅነቫ መሰላቶም ምሕላው። ኣብ መንጎ

Iጣልያን ሊብያን ተገይሩ ዘሎ ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ስምምዕ ዳግማይ ርእይቶ

ክግበረሉ፤

  • • ብራድዮ፡ ተለቪዥንን ካልኦት ናይ መራኸቢ መሳለጢታትን ኣቢልካ፡ ናይ ምዝራብ

ናጽነታት ከም ዝምዕብል ምግባር፤

  • • ትካላዊ ናይ መሰጋገሪ መድረኽ ናይ ፍትሒ ኣካላት፡ እንተላይ፡ ናይ ዕርቅን

ቍስልታት ምሕዋይን መስርሕ ዘካይዳ ኣብያተ-ፍርዲ ንኽምስረታ ዘሎ ተኽእሎታት

ምጽናዕ።

November 4, 2009

South Sudan leader urges split

Filed under: News — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 10:47 am

Southern Sudan leader Salva Kiir has made his strongest call for full independence when the region’s status is decided at a referendum due in 2011.

He said voting for unity with northern Sudan would make southerners “second class citizens” in their own land.

A referendum in the now semi-autonomous oil-rich south was part of the 2005 deal that ended decades of civil war.

A BBC correspondent in Sudan says Mr Kiir’s comments are likely to add to tensions between the north and south.

Previously officials have been careful in public to at least promote the unity between north and south, as the peace deal stipulates, says the BBC’s Peter Martell in the South Sudan capital Juba.

‘Respecting choice’

Salva Kiir was speaking at a special church service to pray for peace, timed to mark the start of voter registration for multi-party elections due in April 2010.

“When you reach your ballot boxes the choice is yours. You want to vote for unity, so that you become a second-class [citizen] in your own country, that is your choice,” he told the congregation at St Teresa’s Catholic Cathedral in Juba.

“You would want to vote for independence, so that you are a free person, in your independent state, that will be your own choice. And we will respect the choice of the people.”

In October, South Sudan said it had achieved a breakthrough in talks with the north over terms for the referendum.

Vice-President Riek Machar said the vote would require a simple majority as long as two-thirds of those eligible took part.

In the past, the Khartoum government had insisted that 75% of voters must agree to independence.

Mr Machar said all southerners would be allowed to vote, including those in Khartoum and those outside Sudan.

Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/8336557.stm

Published: 2009/11/01 12:48:57 GMT

© BBC MMIX

November 3, 2009

URGENT MESSAGE TO EDA(ERITREAN DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE) AND ETHIOPIAN LEADERS

Filed under: Report — eritrearealclearpolitics @ 8:24 am

This message is from Eritrean Kunamas who live in North America. We are sending this message believing that you would take it seriously and seek a solution for its ending. Before saying what we want, it should be born in mind that it is not victory but shame for us Kunama to be in America because of the crisis in our country.

 As we all know the Kunama tribe has been a victim of the current Eritrean regime ever since the start of the Eritrean liberation struggle. which escalated after independence. Today, the rest of the Eritrean population including the Shabia supporters are part of  the fate. As a result, all Eritreans, regardless their ethnic and religious background, and mainly the youth are fleeing their beloved country. But, scaping the dictator and trying to go to Europe or America is not the solution. This was why in the first place we Kunama youth flew massively in to the Kunama organization DMLEK  to fight for our people as we used to do before. But this pure spirit has been destroyed by some new selfish and narrow minded DMLEK leaders particularly Kornelios Osman.

 

      As we all deeply know, the DMLEK leader Kornelios Osman who we Kunama know him as “ The Man Of All Evils”  has been kidnapping, imprisoning, torturing and killing a lot of innocent, educated and knowledgeable Kunama members for totally no reason. Because of this, many Kunama fighters have been deserting DMLEK  and went to Shimelba, Sudan and others even to their enemy Shabia. But the DMLEK leader Kornelios Osman has never learned any lesson from what is happening to DMLEK and the Kunama people. His evil acts affected the whole Kunama and no single Kunama is willing to fight siding with DMLEK. The Kunama  fighters and the poor refugee have been currently in a critical condition. As we said DMLEK fighters are leaving the fighting and are trying to come to the refugee camp, but on their way, they are being caught by the Ethiopian police and handed over to DMLEK before they get to Abbaguna, a village where new Eritreans get a refugee status card. The more kunama fighters escape from DMLEK, the more Kornelios gets frustrated. To calm his frustration, Kornelios has to scapegoat the innocent individuals living peacefully among the refugees. To spoil the peace and love among the Kunama, he divided the people by clan, village region etc and setting fire among brothers and sisters. To give you one recent example, On October 15, 2009 at 1:15 am Kornelios’ spies dropped a bomb in Shimelba refugee camp in the house of Simon Osman and wounded his niece Haregu Abdu and other friends. Such plots have been happening since 2000.This is the Kornelios’ sole plan of cleansing the intellectuals or individuals who he hates. DMLEK is effectively using a Nara descent known by Abdalla Sale and others to kill those it wants to. Abdalla Sale lives in Shimelba refugee camp, known as a DMLEK fighter.

 

   There is nothing unclear about all the kidnapping, killing, setting fire, throwing stones and the other plots that DMLEK has done, for it was done in front of all the refugees. But there was no agent that condemned these barbarous activities except a political organization called SAWRAWI BAITO which had tried its best to protect our innocent Kunama from being victimized by Kornelios. But this action did not go far for it was ordered to SAWRAWI BAITO  by some  Ethiopian leaders not to enter Shimelba refugee camp. So, by this occasion we would like to thank SAWRAWI BAITO for its efforts. Otherwise Shimelba is not a refugee camp for the Kunama people. Unless you support DMLEK we could not get the right of getting a job, resettlement opportunity and a little peace in the camp. As a Kunama could not think of joining any other opposition groups to fight for your country. DMLEK  considered as a crime to do so. ARRA which is the refugee administration told the Kunama youth not to organize themselves for any purpose without the knowledge of DMLEK. And no other opposition group is allowed to come to the Kunama refugees to campaign its political view. And no opposition group is allowed to have an office in the refugee camp except DMLEK. We are always under the threat of DMLEK, branding us with different nicknames like Jehad, Jebha, Shabia, opposer etc  to isolate from the ordinary people and kill us. Everything  has been reported from time to time to UNHCR and Ethiopian officers, but they totally gave a deaf ear. To make things worse, the DMLEK leaders lied to the Ethiopian and UNHCR officers( who are tied up with corruption with each other) that the  ex-fighters of DMLEK were terrorists, and because of this they were deprived from being resettled to a third country and are suspended on the pending case. The Kunama youth is still crossing the border to come to Ethiopia to seek a refugee. Those who fall under DMLEK on their way to Ethiopia are forced to join the fight, and if they refuse the consequence is imprisonment. In July, 2009 a Kunama youth called K estifanos crossed the boarder and was forced to join DMLEK. He refused and fled to Shimelba to live as refugee. ARRA officers agreed with DMLEK and sent the boy to Shiraro where he was kidnapped by shiraro police. While he was in Shiraro prison DMLEK spies covered their face with masks came to the police station and took Arkanjelo Estifanos after beating him to the death in front of the sheraro police. If there is a Kunama who support DMLEK,he/she lives in fear. And no Kunama support DMLEK at this time.

 

     Today, we want EDA who claims it is fighting for the Eritrean people to tell us, the Kunama  if we Kunama are not Eritreans. If not, why does EDA leave the Kunama people to Kornelios to be tortured. and killed? Why does EDA let Kornelios to throw bombs every time in a place where women and children live peacefully? How come you EDA do you think the Eritrean youth joins you to fight if you betray your people? We Kunama do not see Kornelios different than Isayas Aforki. If EDA does not condemn each other there is no need to fight Shabia but it would rather be easier for EDA to include PFDJ in its alliance.

 

    People of Eritrea and Ethiopia, we can not explain all what has been happening to kunama in Ethiopia. EDA knows that the Kunama are in danger because of DMLEK leaders. We, Kunama can not fight two enemies at the same time, but with the help of  good Eritreans we are sure we can win these two identical enemies. It is time for the Eritreans to take actions against any cruel and narrow minded people like Kornelios. We have already seen Shabia, and now the following is small pieces of shabias if we do not correct it right now. If  we really are fighting for Democracy and justice we Kunama in abroad, urge EDA to go ahead and help the helpless. This might look a minor problem, but we are advising EDA to explore the situation and stop Kornelios’ evil acts for the well-being of  the the Eritrean people.  

 

    As for the Ethiopian officers we want to tell that Kornelios is fighting to destroy Kunama people. Kornelios thinks that the Kunama land is only Karkasha, his village. A lot of people in different time and occasion informed Ethiopian security  about kidnapping, torturing and killing of many innocent and brave Kunama by DMLEK. For no action was taken for this reports Kornelios has the slogans like, Ethiopia does not know you, if i kill you no one is going to say anything etc. In January,2004 Kornelios came to Wlanihbi refugee camp and  ordered some Elders like Adam Musa, Lager Gaya  and some youth to kill certain individuals telling that if they do so, Ethiopian government would not say any thing. As his order, they tried on January 8,2004 to kill the individuals Kornelios wanted to die who mostly had blood ties to those Kornelios killed in prison. However, with the help of of the Tigrinya refugees and refugee police they were rescued. DMLEK broadcasted this incident on its radio wave telling its followers that it was a good try, and urged them to keep it up. But on the Ethiopian side we did not see any reaction.

 

   On May,2004 before the refugee moved to the new camp(Shimelba) DMLEK leaders ordered their cadres to set fire on the grass bought by whom they call them their opposers for the new camp. The fire started in the house of a video owner Tigrinya speaker named Meuz, which was very close to the grass they intended to set fire. The fire destroyed a lot of houses including the grass Kornelios wanted to destroy. That night, before the fire started DMLEK informed the Kunama refugee that Shabia spies entered the refugee camp. Some of the Kunama were  curious about the fire, The DMLEK false information and some activities during that night it was reported to the police spotting a suspect to be questioned. Nothing happened. They did not question the suspect. We felt very sorry for the negligence which we have never expected from  Ethiopians specially Tigrai or HUWHAT. We crossed the boarder  trusting the Ethiopian people because of the historic and cultural ties we have. It is unfortunate that the Ethiopians trusted only and only Kornelios, and accepted and appreciated  his measures on the Kunama people. 

 

    Because of Ethiopian carelessness Kornelios who himself says you trust him more than anything and who is not even a nationalist as far well as we Kunama know, destroyed the then blooming Kunama movement by killing brilliant Kunamas like Geometra Husein Yousuph,Yakob Ashora, Adaggo Awka, Nuri Tukka and chased out many others from the fighting, and boasted as if he destroyed the Shabia regime. Before DMLEK killed these innocent Kunamas, its attempt was reported to many leaders of Tigrai. We came innocently to fight for our people with out knowing the agenda behind. Even Kornelios was heard saying that if DMLEK does  not kill some Kunamas Ethiopian leaders would not trust them much.

 

  These innocent people were killed in different times. And the report was given every time a kunama was killed..No action was taken, in fact collaborated with DMLEK leaders and violated the Kunama way of settling blood feud and imprisoned and sentenced to many years for two Kunamas named Diglel Anderea and Woldu Kelali accusing that they killed DMLEK fighter Denadai Petro in Shimelba,while the killer was a different person who also died in Mekele prison. Therefore, not only DMLEK leaders but also some Tigrai leaders are responsible for the lives of the Kunama and its struggle.

 

  On the other hand we would really want to thank some Shiraro police officers who were often told by DMLEK leaders to kidnap and kill some innocent kunamas from Shimelba and they refused to do so and informed the individuals about the plot and told them to be careful and not to go around alone. We do not want to forget also some Tigrai civilian people who played their role in protecting the lives of Kunama from evil plots of DMLEK leaders. We urge them to continue their effort to save the lives of the poor Kunama from this cruel leader.  

 

      Finally, we want the EDA and Ethiopian leaders not to get stunned if this information is new to some of you. It is very true and it is like a cup water from the Red Sea. We can not tell all by writing. Kornelios has a long plan of destroying lives, and has a long chain with Ethiopian security starting from Shimelba all the way to Addis tied up with a lot of corruption.

 

    Finally we need to make clear that, we have been stating the name Kornelios many times in this text because we suspect his health specially his mental well-being. His acts do not seem can be done by a normal human being. He has made a very shameful history by killing his real brothers and sisters and sowing the seed of division and hostility among the poor Kunamas. His acts are helping the Eritrean dictator regime to prosper and stay in power. Some of us even suspect him as the spy of Shabia, and definitely he is. It is getting too late, which is going to affect the Eritrean and Ethiopian people again if we disdain the situation. It is easier to destroy things as Kornelios did than construct. No a single Kunama thought of going to America, but it was the result of all the above reasons. We could no even live peacefully as refugees. No body came to encourage us and give us hope to look for other options. It was the choice we made after feeling helpless. Now the lucky once are here in America worrying for those we left behind.We have enough from shabia, we do not want the Shabias to appear every time in different forms everywhere. If you take actions and correct the wrong ways of DMLEK leaders, we are always in your side to fight for our people. But there is no way for the Kunama youth to fight for his people being under DMLEK as you Ethiopia security know. At this time for Kunama, DMLEK is equal to SHABIA. Kornelios is not going to admit his mistakes and learn a lesson from them, because he is spending sleepless nights scared of the waves of the revenge awaiting from Kunama. For this reason peace is his enemy and terror is his friend. Let us all Eritreans Ethiopians be careful from this bad leader, and let us get together to eliminate Isayas and his follower Kornelios.

 

   All  Ethiopian officers who have close ties with Kornelios please stop messing with him and come the  right path for the sake of our people or tell us what wrong we Kunama did to deserve all this. 

 

    All Eritreans and Ethiopians have to act fast to stop our repetitive criminal leaders. The time is now.       

 

                  Thank You

 

                     Kunamas From North Amerika,

 

You can contact us through our mail, Amerikakunama@yahoo.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it  

Create a free website or blog at WordPress.com.